*EPF307 07/16/2003
Excerpt: Lawmakers Condemn Rangoon Junta in Burma Sanctions Debate
(Democrats and Republicans united in passing HR 2330) (2820)

During the debate July 14 over the Burma sanctions bill, HR 2330, lawmakers from both major parties in the U.S. House of Representatives joined in condemning the military regime ruling Burma, and said sanctions were called for as a response to the harsh rule of Burma's State Peace and Development Council (SPDC).

In the early hours of July 15, the House passed the Burmese Freedom and Democracy Act of 2003 by a 418-2 margin. The Burma sanctions bill now goes to the Senate for consideration, where it is scheduled to be brought to the floor July 16, according to an updated Senate calendar.

Representative James Leach (Republican of Iowa), the chairman of the House International Relations Subcommittee on Asia and the Pacific, pointed out the broad cooperation in the House to bring the bill up for action, with three committees offering suggestions on the legislation and allowing it to come to the House floor without the committees acting on them through the markup process.

He said that none of the lawmakers took lightly the decision to impose sanctions on Burma. But, the Iowa Republican said, the United States has watched "with growing frustration and dismay" as prospects for a transition to democracy "withered in the face of the ruling military regime's determination to maintain an iron grip on power."

Leach said he realized that economic sanctions "are seldom successful," but added the Rangoon regime's "long train of abuses" left the United States, and other nations concerned with Burma's plight with no other ethical choice.

"It should be stressed that the restrictions in this bill are immediately released if commonsense, democratic conditions are met, and that the sanctions must be approved annually by Congress," Leach said.

The sanctions have to be re-approved by Congress each year, and will expire within three years unless new legislation is introduced, said Representative Christopher Smith (Republican of New Jersey).

The House Financial Services Committee, noted its chairman, Representative Michael Oxley (Republican of Ohio), waived consideration of HR 2330 "in the hopes of expediting the legislative process and providing needed relief to the Burmese people."

Oxley, an eleven-term lawmaker, added that the Burmese Freedom and Democracy Act of 2003 supports democratic forces in Burma and recognizes the National League of Democracy "as the legitimate representative of the Burmese people."

"While I support the intentions of HR 2330 to strengthen democratic forces in Burma and hold the Burmese military junta accountable for its human rights violations, I am concerned that this legislation's general ban on trade will adversely affect U.S. small business and economic development in Burma," said Representative Donald Manzulo (Republican of Illinois), the only lawmaker to express misgivings on the bill.

Following are excerpts of the debate on HR 2330 from the Congressional Record:

(begin excerpt)

Mr. LEACH. Mr. Speaker, I rise to join with my colleagues on the committee, particularly with the gentleman from Illinois (Mr. Hyde) and the gentleman from California (Mr. Lantos), to support this important and timely initiative. I would also like to thank the majority leadership, as well as our colleagues with the Committee on Ways and Means, Committee on Financial Services, and Committee on the Judiciary, for their constructive suggestions and cooperation in expediting passage of this bill.

On June 10, the Subcommittee on Asia and the Pacific considered and favorably reported to the full committee H.R. 2330, the Burmese Freedom and Democracy Act of 2003. The full committee adopted the bill on June 12. The amended text before us incorporates suggested changes from the administration as well as the Committee on Ways and Means.

At the outset, let me note that none of us takes lightly a decision to impose sanctions on another country. In the case of Burma, however, over the last several months the U.S. has watched with growing frustration and dismay as prospects for a transition to democracy have withered in the face of the ruling military regime's determination to maintain an iron grip on power.

As my colleagues are aware, Aung San Suu Kyi's release from house arrest a little over a year ago generated some optimism in Burma and abroad about prospects for political change. The ruling State Peace and Development Council, the SPDC, allowed her certain freedom of movement. The opposition National League for Democracy received permission to reopen a number of branch offices throughout the country, and increasing numbers of political prisoners were released.

In recent days and months, the basis for cautious optimism about the prospect of progressive change has evaporated. The regime refused to hold substantive political discussions with the NLD and ethnic minority groups, while operatives and thugs associated with the regime began a campaign of harassment that escalated into the premeditated ambush on Aung San Suu Kyi's motorcade on May 30 of this year.

We are all, of course, pleased at the news that the United Nations Special Envoy for Burma was recently allowed to see Aung San Suu Kyi and that she is apparently in ``feisty spirits'' and credible health.

However, the brutal attack by the regime's henchmen on Daw Suu's traveling party, the broader crackdown against pro-democracy forces, and the vastly diminished prospects for a democratic transition leave the United States with no option but to reassess its already limited relationship with the Government of Burma.

While economic sanctions are seldom successful, the long train of abuses perpetrated by Burma's military regime leaves the U.S. and other members of the international community, most particularly Burma's neighbors in ASEAN, with no ethical alternative but to embrace a broader array of diplomatic and economic policy options, including sanctions, in this case Burmese imports to the United States, and utilization of the U.N. Security Council, to help bring about a restoration of democracy.

Here it should be stressed that the restrictions in this bill are immediately released if commonsense, democratic conditions are met, and that the sanctions must be approved annually by Congress. In addition, the President has been given authority to waive any or all provisions of this bill based on a national interest standard.

Mr. Speaker, Burma merits sustained U.S. attention not only because the actions of the regime offend core American values, but because developments inside the country impact peace and stability in Southeast Asia. Our primary objectives must continue to be focused on human rights, democracy, refugee assistance, and an end to Burmese production and trafficking of elicit narcotics. However, we also have an interest in reaching out to the Burmese people with humanitarian assistance, including medical interventions to help stem the devastating effect of HIV-AIDS. Such humanitarian assistance will not be affected by this legislation.

The great tragedy of the current circumstance is that in the early 1960s Burma was potentially the most prosperous country in Southeast Asia. Today, after 40 years of military misrule, its economy is in a shambles, health and educational services are in precipitous decline, while its citizens continue to suffer human rights abuses and repression.

Sadly, it has become all too apparent that Burma's military leadership is prepared to sacrifice the best interests of its people to pursue the power games of a power elite. In this circumstance, the world community has been left with no option but to rally to the cause of freedom and human rights by mobilizing concerted diplomatic and economic pressure against the ruling regime. I urge passage of this resolution.

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support of H.R. 2330, the Burmese Freedom and Democracy Act. I first wish to express my deepest appreciation to the gentleman from Illinois (Mr. Hyde) for moving forward with this important piece of legislation so quickly, and to the 51 cosponsors of our legislation. I particularly want to thank the gentleman from New York (Mr. King), the gentleman from Iowa (Mr. Leach), and the gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Smith) for their leadership on this issue. I also thank the chairman of the Committee on Ways and Means, the gentleman from California (Mr. Thomas), for working so closely and cooperatively with us on this legislation.

Mr. Speaker, 2 years ago this month I introduced legislation in the House to ban all imports from Burma as a result of the Burmese regime's failure to move towards freedom and democracy. But my colleagues and I withheld from pressing that legislation after Aung San Suu Kyi was freed from house arrest and there appeared to be a process for dialogue and national reconciliation in Burma.

But, Mr. Speaker, just 6 weeks ago the entire landscape in Burma changed dramatically. The Burmese government hired thugs to brutally attack Nobel Prize winner Aung San Suu Kyi and her aides as they were on their way to meet with their supporters. Aung San Suu Kyi was arrested and thrown in jail. Her key aides were brutally killed. Her supporters around the nation have been jailed, and the offices of her political party have been closed.

In short, the thug regime of Burma has sunk to new lows, securing its place in the world's rogues gallery of human rights abusers. The ruling dictatorship simply cannot accept the fact that this brave and courageous woman, Aung San Suu Kyi, a champion of democracy, remains wildly popular in Burma despite years of house arrest, persecution and repression.

Now that the Rangoon regime has recommitted itself to destroying all democratic opposition in Burma, it is clear that dialogue is dead, national reconciliation is dead, and it is equally clear that we must adopt a new approach towards Burma and that new approach must include tough sanctions.

Our legislation will impose a comprehensive import ban on products made in Burma until a series of human rights and democracy conditions have been met. We will freeze the assets of the Burmese regime in the United States, codify the existing policy of the United States to oppose lending to Burma by international financial institutions, we shall strengthen the visa ban on Burma, and we will support democracy activists in Burma.

These are tough measures, but no tougher than Burma's ruling thugs deserve. They had a chance to deal seriously with this great woman, a champion of democracy, Aung San Suu Kyi, and instead they viciously attacked this Nobel Laureate. This is an unacceptable situation.

The legislation before us has strong bipartisan support, it reflects important suggestions made by the administration, and I urge all of my colleagues to support democracy in Burma and to support this important legislative measure.

Mr. SMITH of New Jersey. Mr. Speaker, I thank the chairman, the gentleman from Iowa (Mr. Leach), for his kind remarks. I want to especially thank him for his leadership on this issue and all human rights, especially in Asia. He has been outspoken and a very, very effective lawmaker. I want to thank him for his leadership.

I also want to thank the gentleman from California (Mr. Lantos) for his sponsorship of this very important piece of legislation, which we have before the body today.

I do rise in strong support of H.R. 2330, the Burmese Freedom and Democracy Act. As I think my colleagues are well aware, on May 30 a group of government-affiliated thugs carried out a premeditated ambush of the motorcade of Burma democracy leader and Nobel laureate Aung San Suu Kyi, who has been jailed since then. An undetermined number of her supporters were murdered in that vicious attack.

Burma's military dictatorship, which euphemistically calls itself the State Peace and Development Council, has maintained its grip on power for the past 15 years with the use of brutal force. Although Aung San Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy won the majority of National Assembly seats in a free and fair election in 1990, the junta nullified the results and imprisoned hundreds of NLD leaders. The military regime has committed numerous other human rights abuses, such as large-scale forced labor and the use of rape as a weapon in its fight against insurgencies by ethnic minorities.

With this latest outrage, Mr. Speaker, the Burmese regime has exhausted the patience of the United States and hopefully the rest of the international community. I applaud the gentleman from California again for these efforts, for his ongoing efforts, but especially for his efforts in drafting and introducing H.R. 2330, the Burmese Freedom and Democracy Act, which the Committee on International Relations reported favorably on June 17. The bill includes a number of measures, such as a ban on trade that supports the military regime, and will send an unequivocal message to the generals in Rangoon: The people of Burma must be allowed to pursue the path of peaceful democratic development that they bravely chose 13 years ago.

Although trade sanctions are sometimes the source of controversy on this floor, they are more than justified in this situation both because of the Burmese regime's egregious behavior and because export trade is a key source of foreign exchange for the junta and its apparatus of repression. The bill includes waiver authority for the President and outlines generous conditions under which sanctions could be lifted. In addition, the text before us requires annual re-approval of the trade ban and imposes a 3-year sunset on the sanctions.

Mr. Speaker, I urge all Members to support this very important human rights legislation.

Mr. MANZULLO. Mr. Speaker, I rise today to express my concern over H.R. 2330. While I support the intentions of H.R. 2330 to strengthen democratic forces in Burma and hold the Burmese military junta accountable for its human rights violations, I am concerned that this legislation's general ban on trade will adversely affect U.S. small business and economic development in Burma.

I am appreciative of the changes made to the original version of this bill such as requiring an annual affirmative vote of Congress to renew the import ban against Burma and changing the standard for the President to waive the ban from the ``national security interest'' to ``national interest'' of the United States. However, these changes will not ultimately solve the problems of my constituent who owns a small business, Chaang Trading Company, in Rockford, Illinois. Chaang Trading Company imports fine, handcrafted cultural goods from Southeast Asia and distributes them nationwide.

The import ban in H.R. 2330 would almost certainly destroy this four person company as 80 percent of Chaang's business depends on trade with Burma. Chaang purchases its Burmese products directly from artisan shops, and not from the military government of Burma. These Burmese shops are owned by ordinary citizens and employ ordinary citizens. Therefore, the import ban in this legislation would undermine the provisions in section 8 of H.R. 2330 to support democracy activists in Burma through economic development by actually hurting the very people we are trying to help--small business artisans who have nothing to do with the repressive military government of Burma. I therefore urge my colleagues to be cognizant of the unintended consequences of using trade sanctions as a weapon to change policy in foreign countries.

It would be my hope and wish that as the Administration implements this bill that it would take into the account the concerns of small companies like Chaang Trading Company in Rockford so that they can continue to trade with skilled artisans from Burma who have nothing to do with the repressive military government.

Mr. OXLEY. Mr. Speaker, I rise today in support of H.R. 2330, the ``Burmese Freedom and Democracy Act of 2003.'' I would like to commend both Chairman HYDE and Mr. LANTOS for their efforts on this important legislation.

The House Financial Services Committee received a referral on H.R. 2330 as a result of sections four and five of the bill, which address Burma's relationship with the international financial institutions.

Specifically, section four of this legislation directs the Secretary of the Treasury to freeze any assets of the Burmese regime located within the United States. Section five directs the Secretary of the Treasury to instruct the U.S. director at each international financial institution in which the U.S. participates to oppose and vote against the extension of any loan or financial assistance to Burma until certain conditions are met.

The House Financial Services Committee waived consideration of this bill in the hopes of expediting the legislative process and providing needed relief to the Burmese people. This bill accomplishes that end by supporting democratic forces in Burma and recognizing the National League of Democracy as the legitimate representative of the Burmese people.

As a fervent supporter of free trade, free minds, and free people, I call on the Burmese regime to allow the benefits of democracy to grow. I urge my colleagues to support H.R. 2330.

(end excerpt)

(Distributed by the Bureau of International Information Programs, U.S. Department of State. Web site: http://usinfo.state.gov)

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