*EPF506 02/21/2003
Text: State Dept. Official Urges Respect for Human Rights in Burma
(Craner calls for democracy and rule of law, decries abuses) (2770)

The United States wants to see Burma's military rulers "do the right thing" and allow a peaceful transition to democracy in that country, according to Assistant Secretary of State for the Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights and Labor Lorne W. Craner.

Speaking at a gathering of the Free Burma Coalition February 15 in Washington, D.C., Craner said democracy, national reconciliation, and human rights are the "primary foreign policy goals" of the United States for Burma.

The State Department official listed a series of human rights abuses by the Rangoon regime.

"Thousands of boys, some as young as eleven, have been forced to fight with the Burmese Army, sometimes under the forced influence of amphetamines and alcohol, after being kidnapped from bus stations and local markets," Craner said.

Those boys, he continued, have to fight using machine guns, grenades and land mines.

Craner also recounted the military junta's use of boys and girls "as young as seven" as porters for the Burmese army or as construction workers.

"Villagers of any age and gender, indeed, any Burmese citizen but particularly ethnic minority citizens, are vulnerable to forced labor," he said.

Resistance to being used as forced labor, he said, can lead to torture and death.

Craner reiterated long-established U.S. support for Burma's Nobel Peace Prize recipient Aung San Suu Kyi, and for her efforts on behalf of democracy and human rights in that country.

The United States, he said, urges the Burma's military rulers "to move beyond this impasse and to do the right thing for the people of Burma."

They should fashion a transition from their autocratic rule to a democratic government that would truly serve "the desires and rights of all the peoples" of that country, Craner said.

"In preparation for the democratization of Burma, the United States and Burma's other friends will continue to ... support the development of a sound and free government and civil society in Burma," Craner said.

The United States, he continued, is working toward the goal of "a free and prosperous Burma where people can work through their differences through peaceful and democratic means."

Following is the text of Craner's February 15 remarks, as released by the Department of State:

(begin text)

Democracy, Human Rights, and the Rule of Law in Burma

Lorne W. Craner,
Assistant Secretary for the Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights and Labor
Remarks to the Free Burma Coalition
Washington, DC
February 15, 2003

Thank you for your welcome. There is an energy in this room this morning, an energy felt in this Administration not to mention in Burma, and with the inspiration of Aung San Suu Kyi, we will continue to work until Burma is free. It is a pleasure for me to be here this morning, speaking with so many proven champions of human rights and democracy in Burma.

I would like to begin with a story I think many of you know. Less than two months ago Aung San Suu Kyi traveled to Rakhine State, her fifth countryside trip since her release from house arrest last May. A crowd of 25,000 people assembled to greet her, despite attempts from the authorities to prevent them from coming together. The authorities felt threatened by the crowd, although the gathering was absolutely peaceful. And so they summoned police who were carrying batons, and a fire engine to disperse the crowd with high-pressure water cannons.

Upon seeing the scene, Suu Kyi climbed up onto the fire engine and managed to stop the police from hosing the people by pointedly saying, I m here in the name of democracy which puts the people ahead of everything else. Our first priority is to serve and protect the people the police as well as other officials have the same responsibility. This image of one courageous woman heading off an assault by authorities on a peaceful gathering illustrates the urgent need for democracy and human rights in Burma.

Last week the Freedom Forum announced that Suu Kyi was awarded the Al Neuharth Free Spirit of the Year Award and one million dollars. It is obvious why. Even after years of on-and-off political arrest, harassment and constant surveillance, Aung San Suu Kyi, through tremendous strength of character, is still wholly committed to bringing democracy and a humanitarian rule of law to the Burmese people.

Last May we were all heartened by the release of Aung San Suu Kyi from house arrest, and we welcomed the release of a few hundred political prisoners over the past few months. But unfortunately these steps have not been matched by any progress toward a political dialogue on constitutional issues. In fact, the State Peace and Development Council [SPDC - Burma's ruling military junta] took a serious step backwards just a few days after the recent visit by Amnesty International with the arrest of several more political prisoners. As a result, we remain highly skeptical about the regime's commitment to any political transition.

The U.S. Government has long respected Aung San Suu Kyi's leadership in support of democracy and human rights; President Bush publicly congratulated Aung San Suu Kyi on the anniversary of her Nobel Prize. Democracy, national reconciliation, and human rights are our primary foreign policy goals in Burma. We -- and by that I mean we in the Executive Branch, but also the Congress -- we have been at the forefront of drawing attention in an official way to Burma's deplorable human rights record.

The freedom-loving people of Burma have no better friend in the U.S. Congress than Senator Mitch McConnell. He has been a champion of human rights and democracy and a protector of the persecuted for nearly two decades. The strength of his voice is matched by the power of his actions. And he is ably assisted by another champion of human rights and democracy in Burma, Paul Grove, who will join you later today.

The SPDC's disregard for human rights and democracy extends to every conceivable category of violation and we will be cataloguing these this year. The regime suppresses political dissent by censorship, persecution, beatings, disappearances and imprisonment. It harasses ethnic minorities through brutal campaigns against civilians. It sharply curtails religious freedom. It subjects its people to forced labor. And in the past year there have been more reports of increased extra-judicial killings, rapes, disappearances, forced labor, and forced relocations.

According to the International Committee of the Red Cross, as of last October 1,448 political prisoners languish in Burmese jails. This month the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners updated this figure to 1,453. The SPDC allows the International Committee of the Red Cross to monitor political prisoners and prison conditions, and the UN Special Rapporteur, Mr. Pinheiro, reports that prison conditions for political prisoners have incrementally improved.

But what does this mean? As he reports, it means that the beatings and torture of political prisoners have decreased; it means that some elderly and sick prisoners are now maybe receiving medical attention, although just in the past six months four more political prisoners who we know of died in prison due to the withholding of medical treatment. Political prisoners also continue to be held in solitary confinement for extended periods, and they are deliberately sent far from their homes, precluding visits and support including food from family members. And when family members are able to visit, it is without any privacy.

We need to keep this most disturbing fact at the front of our mind: These individuals, mostly students, teachers and lawyers, were unjustly arrested often arbitrarily and are being held under such abhorrent conditions for peaceably promoting democracy and freedom; sometimes for distributing leaflets or just for being involved in the publication of a bulletin, or just for being associated with a pro-democracy association, such as a church. There still is no freedom of association, no freedom of expression, no freedom of the press in Burma.

Last November, the SPDC stated they would release the largest group of prisoners ever 115 in all but we have not been able to confirm all of these releases. Even so, the conditions of those released are unacceptable. Currently, prisoners are released under the pretense of suspension of their activities. Understandably, many political prisoners decline to be released under these conditions, which are a violation of their human rights. Again, we, together with the international community, have pressed for the immediate and unconditional release of all of these political prisoners, and we will continue to do so until every individual prisoner is released to live a productive life of freedom and peace.

After years of intense international pressure, the regime finally agreed to allow the International Labor Organization (ILO) to appoint a liaison officer in Rangoon and we hope this will develop into a full representation for the ILO. We also hope that it will allow us to take more actions in response to new, credible documentation of forced labor, including child soldiers.

Officially, the government passed a law in October 2000 banning forced labor. However, forced labor continues, particularly in rural ethnic regions. Human Rights Watch recently reported that thousands of boys, some as young as eleven, have been forced to fight with the Burmese Army, sometimes under the forced influence of amphetamines and alcohol, after being kidnapped from bus stations and local markets. These boys have to fight armed with machine guns and grenades and land mines. Boys and girls as young as seven are forced to serve as porters in army camps or as construction workers. Villagers of any age and gender, indeed, any Burmese citizen but particularly ethnic minority citizens, are vulnerable to forced labor building roads and railroads, farming, portering, working as a camp servant, fighting with the army. Resistance leads to more torture and more death.

Last June, two nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) the Shan Human Rights Foundation together with the Shan Women's Action Network published a new report of violations of human rights in Burma. This report documented Burmese Army personnel involvement in the rapes of hundreds of women between 1996 and 2001. The report also said that the Burmese Army was using rape systematically as a weapon of war in its counter-insurgency operations. Responding to this, the State Department sent investigators to collect first-hand accounts of rape by the Burmese military from women in Thailand. Jean Geran from my Bureau will be discussing these findings later today. But we know this is a very, very grave situation, as both our report and the earlier report indicated.

In response to international pressure, the Burma Army conducted an investigation of these charges, which was widely regarded by many in the international community as a sham. We are now urging UN Special Rapporteur Pinheiro to move forward with his effort to fulfill his mandate by conducting an independent investigation into these reports of widespread rape. Such an investigation has the full support of the international community, and Pinheiro has presented the regime with options for implementation. We hope that the regime will break from tradition and finally make an intelligent choice.

Rape is not the only abuse committed by the Burmese army against ethnic minority populations. We remain deeply troubled by reports of brutal tortures and murders, forced relocations, forced labor, and suppression of religious freedom. The basic human rights of these minority peoples are regularly violated, with repercussions not only for individuals and families, but also at the regional level and internationally. Refugee flow into Thailand intensified in 2002, and the number of internally displaced people inside Burma is an estimated one million.

As you are aware, the ethnic issue has a long history in Burma and has been a key factor in determining whether Burma enjoys stability or suffers conflict. If there is to be a successful political transition, appropriate ethnic representatives must be included in the planning for transition at an appropriate time. Aung San Suu Kyi's recent trips to Shan State and Rakhine State illustrate her commitment to the ethnic groups of Burma and her concern for their participation and welfare.

Are productive talks in Burma's near future? Clearly, the necessity of resuming dialogue is urgent and must be supported by the international community. We maintain hope for directed and unwavering involvement of the UN and the global community in assisting the NLD and the country of Burma in its democratization, its economic development, and its incorporation into the global community after decades of isolation. But also, we recognize that economic development can only be fairly and effectively managed by a democratic government that is representative, transparent and accountable. To this end, the United States and many key members of the international community are resolved to maintain our insistence on positive change as a precondition for dropping sanctions. Indeed, our patience for positive change is beginning to run out and we, along with the UK and others, are considering all options, including further sanctions.

The United States already has tough sanctions on Burma in place. We have imposed an arms embargo and an investment ban, among other measures. Only our sanctions on Iraq are tougher. If there is significant progress towards a transition to democratic rule and greater respect for human rights as a result of dialogue between Aung San Suu Kyi and the regime, the United States would look seriously at measures to support this process. But, we are disappointed and frustrated by the recalcitrance of the SPDC. We hope that other states that currently do not share our sanctions policy will consider the impact that their policies have on the human rights and democracy movement in Burma. Burmese democrats have made it clear that they do not want any assistance to Burma that will strengthen the regime's illegitimate grip on power.

Because of the SPDC's disastrous policies, Burma may be facing a humanitarian crisis arising from the dreadful nexus of hunger, malnutrition, lack of education, and HIV/AIDS. We remain convinced that extensive aid to Burma that passes through the military regime will be vulnerable to diversion and mismanagement. USAID, with congressional support, provides one million dollars in HIV/AIDS assistance in Burma and this amount may well be increased in the future. Our assistance goes through NGOs and does not benefit the government. It is important to stress again that humanitarian aid within Burma will be very closely monitored and managed in consultation with the NLD.

How can we promote democracy and human rights in Burma without supporting the SPDC? In recognition of the fact that the Burmese people will require the infrastructure and knowledge to establish a sound, democratic government, the United States has supported a number of scholarship and training programs for Burmese students. These programs send students to Thailand or bring them here to the U.S. to learn good governance and management principles and to advance their leadership skills.

The United States has also invested heavily in the promotion of an uncensored, independent press in Burma, in recognition of the fact that a free press fosters transparent, democratic government. We are currently supporting independent journals, newspapers and radio media focused on promoting democracy in Burma. We know that other nations also support grassroots democracy efforts in Burma, and we are very happy to join our efforts with theirs. It is inspiring to see many of those who have received some of this support here today. I am personally humbled by your courage and perseverance in the face of so many obstacles and such an arduous journey. But, as elsewhere, it will be worth it one day when we celebrate in a peaceful and free Burma created with the help of all of you.

We again urge the SPDC to move beyond this impasse and to do the right thing for the people of Burma. Only by adhering to their stated commitment, only by fashioning a transition to a democratic government can they truly serve the desires and rights of all the peoples of.

In the meantime, in preparation for the democratization of Burma, the United States and Burma's other friends will continue to train, educate and support the development of a sound and free government and civil society in Burma, a transitional process that again must happen. We continue to work toward that goal a free and prosperous Burma where people can work through their differences through peaceful and democratic means. May this year be the year that truth and justice prevail in Burma, bringing an end to oppression and setting Burma free.

Thank you.

(end text)

(Distributed by the Office of International Information Programs, U.S. Department of State. Web site: http://usinfo.state.gov)

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