*EPF216 05/14/2002
Transcript: State's Dobriansky Urges Genocide Prevention, Intervention
(May 13: closing remarks to U.S. Holocaust Memorial Museum symposium) (2980)

In remarks to a gathering at the U.S. Holocaust Memorial Museum in Washington May 13, the State Department's Paula Dobriansky urged the nations of the world not only to bring the perpetrators of genocide to justice but also to stop genocide with the principled use of force and to prevent genocide through the spread of democracy and the rule of law.

Dobriansky, the under secretary of state for global affairs, was speaking at the conclusion of the symposium on genocide prevention, morality, and the national interest, an event organized by the museum's Committee on Conscience.

Comparing genocide to terrorism in its "total, reckless disregard for human life and human suffering," Dobriansky said that those who perpetrate either should be hunted down. "It is in every country's interest, not just the interest of the United States, to prevent genocide and mass murder," she said.

She suggested that the world must enact a long-range strategy to prevent genocide and terrorism from occurring in the first place by creating societies that embrace and protect individual rights and liberties. The best tool to establish such societies, she said, is through the spread of democracy and respect for human rights, because "cultures inculcated with democratic values do not provide much of an audience for genocidal tyranny."

If prevention fails, however, Dobriansky said, the crucial first step in responding to a mass humanitarian violation "is to detect it early and preempt it through international action." If diplomacy does not work, then "the principled use of force by the world's democracies is critical to protecting human rights -- to stopping genocide, or as we have seen recently, to changing regimes like the Taliban which abuse their people and promote terror against the world."

In cases where the international community is too late or has failed to intervene, steps must be taken to bring the perpetrators of genocide to justice, she said.

"If the domestic judicial system does not have the ability or the will to administer justice, then other options must be considered including international criminal tribunals, such as those established for the crimes in Rwanda and the former Yugoslavia, or creative ad hoc mechanisms such as the special court for Sierra Leone."

Dobriansky said it is both unrealistic and inappropriate for the United States to try to create "mirror images" of itself in other countries, "[B]ut we should never be afraid to stand up for universal rights, for the defense of victims, and for what is ultimately in our national interests."

Following is a transcript of her remarks:

(begin transcript)

U.S. Department of State
Office of the Under Secretary for Global Affairs
Washington, D.C.

CLOSING REMARKS OF PAULA DOBRIANSKY, UNDER SECRETARY OF STATE FOR GLOBAL AFFAIRS, TO THE U.S. HOLOCAUST MEMORIAL MUSEUM

COMMITTEE ON CONSCIENCE SYMPOSIUM ON GENOCIDE PREVENTION, MORALITY AND THE NATIONAL INTEREST

Monday, May 13, 2002

Thank you, Mr. Zeidman for that kind introduction. Congratulations on your new position as Chairman of the Holocaust Memorial Council of the Museum's Governing Board. It is a real honor for me to be here at the Holocaust Museum, a place that has significant meaning and impact on all those who visit here. I'm also pleased to be the closing speaker for this thoughtful and timely symposium on genocide prevention, morality, and the national interest. I applaud the Committee on Conscience at the United States Holocaust Memorial Museum for bringing together the eminent speakers you have assembled today. Thank you, Jerry Shestack and Jerry Fowler, for organizing this important discussion. A dialogue on how to prevent the types of horrific crimes against humanity that are documented in this museum is not only welcome but needed.

I know that earlier today, you heard from experts and officials about promotion of the national interest through prevention of genocide in the future. I understand that the discussion was lively, thoughtful, and substantive. An underpinning of today's discussion was that it is in every country's interest, not just the interest of the United States, to prevent genocide and mass murder. In this day and age with modern communications and television everywhere, it is increasingly difficult to claim ignorance about cases of mass killings around the world. We must prevent genocide from happening in the first place, and by we, I mean countries around the world -- including the United States. Where, sadly, it occurs before we are able to stop it, we must hold those responsible accountable for their actions. I look forward to seeing a summary of today's proceedings from which we can all learn ways to handle this enormous challenge.

When we speak about the commission of genocide, we must refer to the Genocide Convention of 1948. Genocide, according to the definition established in the convention, means: "any of the following acts committed with intent to destroy, in whole or in part, national, ethnic, racial, or religious groups, as such: (a) Killing members of the group; (b) Causing serious bodily or mental harm to members of the group; (c) Deliberately inflicting on the group conditions of life calculated to bring about its physical destruction in whole or in part; (d) Imposing measures to prevent births within the group; (e) Forcibly transferring children of the group to another group."

Genocide, in other words, is a crime against a group sharing a common identity. But when we discuss the prevention of genocide, I think that it is essential to speak in terms of the individual. The bloody history of genocides through the ages can each be traced back to a common moment -- the moment when a man, woman, or child is not thought of as an individual, but as simply part of a group, as a statistic, not a human being. We have seen that once a person's individuality is lost, it becomes much easier to lose all conception of him or her as a human being -- to see individuals as something less than human, useful only as scapegoats for a society's problems. This is the kind of phenomena we saw all too often in the 20th Century -- from Europe to Asia to Africa.

Therefore, strategies to prevent genocide in the 21st Century must focus on empowering the individual, on asserting the value of each human being. Protection of all people can be achieved through the protection of each person. Creating societies that embrace and protect individual rights and liberties can help safeguard the world from mass crimes against humanity. And the best tool to establish such societies is through the spread of democracy and respect for human rights, both vigorously secured by the rule of law, recognizing that prevention of future genocide is bolstered by seeking full accountability for genocide committed in the past and by laying the groundwork of freedom against genocide in the future.

America's commitment to promoting democracy throughout the world is not new, of course. It has been a hallmark of our foreign policy for years, and, from the first days of the Bush Administration, it has been a fundamental principle in our agenda. But after the horrific attacks of September 11, the worldwide need for democracy and the rule of law took on even greater significance. The September 11 attacks were brutal reminders of the power of radical leaders to captivate and control their followers. We all paid an incalculable price in individual lives that day because of the actions of these hateful groups. It is in that sense that terrorism and genocide have something in common: the total, reckless disregard for human life and human suffering.

The response against those who perpetrate terrorism, like those who commit genocide, should be a full-fledged effort to hunt them down. The United States and its allies did that to the Nazi perpetrators of the Holocaust, albeit belatedly, and we are doing it now to the architects of global terrorism. While this helps stop further violence, we must also enact a long-range strategy to prevent genocide and terrorism from occurring in the first place. That strategy for the enduring prevention of genocide and terrorism should be rooted in the spread of democracy and the rule of law.

Genocide is a product of tyranny and totalitarianism. It is made possible by despots who have the power to villainize and abuse a group while striking fear in the hearts of anyone who would dare to challenge them. Where a foundation of democracy exists, we find that extremism is unable to take root. By foundation, I mean the rule of law; citizen access to government; an open and transparent government process; economic freedom; separation of powers among independent branches of government; religious freedom; a vibrant and independent media; and a universal respect for human rights. This foundation provides the very freedom that snuffs out the roots of extremism. And with that freedom comes a cultural atmosphere in which people cherish their liberty and are more likely to stand up to protect others whose liberty is threatened.

Arguably, the most effective deterrent to tyranny comes from the rule of law, which is so inherent to a democratic system of government. Pierre Prosper, the United States Ambassador-at-Large for War Crimes Issues, has aptly characterized the rule of law as "a wall of reason and humanity against savagery and brutality." The rule of law offers an effective bar to crimes against humanity because society is governed by laws and not men. A system of written law checks tyrannical impulses while guarding the people against arbitrary exercises of power. The rule of law brings all people, under the laws of the land and subjects them to the jurisdiction of the courts. Despots are not above the law, and minorities are not beneath its protection. Accountability is important to a society struggling with reconciliation and rebuilding, and also within the international community, to send the message that such action will not go unpunished. The rule of law establishes a judicial system to punish and stop criminal activity before it escalates to mass crimes. Through these safeguards, genocide can be effectively stopped in its earliest stages.

Other democratic institutions can also thwart the forces that give rise to genocide. Citizens who are allowed active, participatory roles in their own government generally do not fall prey to the tyranny which often leads to genocide. Tyranny exploits feelings of powerlessness, luring the disenfranchised by the promise of power. By contrast, political participation empowers people with the knowledge that they control their own destinies and the destiny of their nation. Such an environment is a poor breeding ground for extremism and intolerance.

Likewise, the shadows and concealment on which perpetrators of genocide depend are absent in governments that are open and transparent. Without these cloaks, it is far more difficult to commit crimes against humanity. Moreover, leaders who would abuse their authority are not likely to survive the public scrutiny that comes with democracy.

In addition, totalitarian regimes consolidate power in the hands of a scant few. Democratic governments disburse power among co-equal branches of government, each maintaining independence and having the ability to check abuses of the others. This decentralization of power greatly decreases the chances that an authoritarian regime can come to power in the first place or engage in genocide.

Democracy is also predicated on economic freedom that places minimal barriers on a person's ability to realize his full economic potential. Countries that establish free economic systems yield a "democracy dividend" of a more prosperous and developed society. This prosperity then robs would-be tyrants of their power to draw in the poor and desperate. As Franklin Roosevelt said, "People who are hungry and out of a job are the stuff of which dictatorships are made."

Finally, genocidal forces can be thwarted by a democracy's basic respect for human rights and the acceptance of equality among all people. Despots who would squelch fundamental liberties and devalue individuals have no place in a democracy. What's more, genocide tends to be a progression of offenses against a disfavored group, starting with simple deprivations of liberty or property and building to ultimate mass murder. Governments where protection of human rights is institutionally ingrained check this progression early on.

Where democratic institutions flourish, a byproduct is a democratic culture in which the people, as well as the government, become guardians of human rights. A country's democratic institutions foster in its people an appreciation for the value of the individual. As a result, cultures inculcated with democratic values do not provide much of an audience for genocidal tyranny. Not only do democratic cultures tend to produce more educated people less likely to succumb to agitating propaganda and dictatorial control, they also produce citizens who are more likely to resist any encroachments on the rights of their fellow citizens. In healthy democratic cultures, the protection of individual freedom is not exclusively a function of the government but becomes the responsibility of all citizens. The silent acquiescence of the majority that genocide depends on is not to be found in democratic cultures.

The encouragement of democracy and the rule of law, while not a perfect guard, is an effective preventive measure against genocide. The United States has long been engaged in assisting efforts to strengthen the administration of justice -- within both civil and military institutions -- worldwide. We are looking to the international community as well to enhance its efforts in this field. But these are forward-looking and proactive steps. At the same time, we must consider reactive measures that, while they may not prevent genocide from occurring in the first place, can minimize and ultimately end it once it has begun. The crucial first step in responding to a mass humanitarian violation is to detect it early and preempt it through international action. We should be vigilant in identifying patterns of violence that may signal the beginning of genocide. In this regard, it is essential that we form public-private partnerships with other sources like non-governmental organizations -- groups who are on the ground and who can provide information from remote locations. Once such a crisis has been detected, we can then marshal our diplomatic resources to encourage countries to deal swiftly and justly with humanitarian crimes within their borders.

If this fails, we should also be prepared to encourage other countries to act and to use our voice at the United Nations and in the United Nations Security Council to step up the pressure on non-compliant countries. However, sometimes well-meaning diplomacy serves only to extend suffering. The principled use of force by the world's democracies is critical to protecting human rights -- to stopping genocide, or as we have seen recently, to changing regimes like the Taliban which abuse their people and promote terror against the world.

In the past, there has been a tendency to dismiss acts of genocide because they were occurring far away from our shores or because they reflected long-standing historical clashes between different ethic groups or cultures. September 11 taught us many important lessons, but one of the most important is that we ignore events and developments overseas at our own peril. The world today is a smaller place because of mankind's advances in technology, communications, and transportation.

I believe it was asked earlier in one of today's panels whether the CNN effect ultimately hurts or helps the cause. Whichever side of the argument one comes down, the effect is undeniable and cannot be ignored. I think that whenever the media or other groups highlight acts of genocide, repression, and extremism, that it is a positive development. Such evils cannot last long amid the international spotlight. The more information we get about a far-off country's repressive rule, the greater the imperative for democracies like ours to prepare policies that prevent the worst from happening. We cannot fashion other countries into mirror images of the United States. Such a goal is unrealistic; in fact, it is inappropriate. But we should never be afraid to stand up for universal rights, for the defense of victims, and for what is ultimately in our national interests.

In cases where we are too late or have failed to intervene, we must react to genocide by bringing its perpetrators to justice. Justice is crucial to the process of healing and of building a strong, vibrant society built on the rule of law. The survivors of genocidal violence must be allowed to resume their lives with the knowledge that they will not be harmed further and that their tormentors will never again have the right to walk freely among society. We must endeavor to make real the words of Ralph Waldo Emerson, "Commit a crime, and the earth is made of glass. There is no such thing as concealment."

If the domestic judicial system does not have the ability or the will to administer justice, then other options must be considered including international criminal tribunals, such as those established for the crimes in Rwanda and the former Yugoslavia, or creative ad hoc mechanisms such as the special court for Sierra Leone. I recently spoke to the Rwandan Ambassador, a group of Rwandans and friends of Rwanda, gathered to commemorate that country's horrific genocide. Though the scars of that dark time will always be there, the knowledge that justice was being delivered at last was a source of some healing to them.

Emerson also once said "Every evil to which we do not succumb is a benefactor." Tragically, there have been far too many genocides to act as our teachers, to show us the need for creating environments where individual lives are valued. Lessons of inhumanity have been written in the blood of innocents. But through places like the Holocaust Museum and conferences like this, we are learning from our past how to make the oft-repeated words "Never again" a reality for all time. Thank you.

(end transcript)

(Distributed by the Office of International Information Programs, U.S. Department of State. Web site: http://usinfo.state.gov)

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