*EPF303 02/21/01
Text: Former Secretary Albright's Remarks on Promotion of Democracy
(Says regional, global organizations are vital to preserving freedom) (3080)

The Community of Democracies, a coalition of 110 countries committed to democratic governance, provides "a model for cooperation among democratic nations and among all those sharing the democratic faith," says former Secretary of State Madeleine Albright.

Speaking at the Conference on the Role of Regional and Multilateral Organizations in the Defense and Promotion of Democracy, held February 21 at the Organization of American States (OAS), Albright hailed the coalition as an instrument for helping to ensure that democratic principles prevail wherever they are threatened.

She also stressed that regional and global institutions have a "central role" to play in fostering democratic governance. "At the most basic level, institutions can assist countries in assembling the nuts and bolts of freedom," she said. "They do this by promoting civil society, monitoring elections, training police, encouraging independent media, and bearing witness to violations of human rights."

Despite the rapid spread of democracy around the world, Albright said, freedom must never be taken for granted. She noted that some countries are "plagued by leaders who are more eager to embrace the democratic label than to meet democratic responsibilities," and quoted Thomas Jefferson's famous warning that "the price of liberty is eternal vigilance."

Yet ultimately, "democracy is more than just another form of government; it is also a powerful generator of progress," she said. "And our challenge is to maintain the momentum so that the democratic tide remains a rising tide around the equator and from pole to pole."

Following is the text of Albright's remarks at the OAS:

(begin text)

Remarks of former Secretary of State Madeleine K. Albright
Conference on the Role of Regional and Multilateral
Organizations in the Defense and Promotion of Democracy
Organization of American States
Washington D.C.
February 21, 2001

Thank you, Assistant Secretary General Einaudi, members of the diplomatic corps, representatives of international organizations and NGOs, guests and friends, good morning.

It's wonderful to be here. This is my first serious speaking engagement since leaving office.

For those who may be wondering, I am doing fine. I loved being Secretary of State, but it's liberating to be able to get up in the morning and actually plan my own day. Of course, I do have to make some adjustments. From my old office, I could look out over the Mall, and see the Lincoln and Jefferson Memorials. From my new office, I can see the California Pizza Kitchen and a place offering custom tattoos.

After the inauguration, I spent a week at a health club out west. It was a real bargain. You write them a check; in return, they make you sweat all day and eat vegetables. Strangely, I enjoyed it; I needed the exercise, and nobody talked about the Middle East.

Still, I'm happy to be back in Washington, where everyone is being unusually -- almost suspiciously -- nice. I'd like to think this stems from an outburst of spontaneous affection; more likely it's because I am just about to write my book.

Obviously, there will be a lot of changes in my life. But one thing that will not change is my desire to see the Community of Democracies initiative thrive.

In Warsaw last June, we took note of the growth of democracy within every culture and on every continent, evidenced not only by the rising number of elected governments, but also by the mushrooming of civil society.

We pledged to collaborate in international institutions in order to foster democratic governance.

We discussed ideas for sharing best democratic practices.

And we talked about the ways by which our democratic community can come to the aid of democratic nations endangered by internal or external threats.

I was very moved last summer when Foreign Minister Geremek of Poland spoke about wanting to attach Warsaw's name to an historic declaration of democratic principles, and thereby help erase the memory of the Warsaw Pact.

That hope has been fulfilled. The Community of Democracies initiative and the Warsaw Declaration -- now endorsed by 110 countries -- are breaking new ground.

They have created a model for cooperation among democratic nations and among all those sharing the democratic faith. Henceforth, we are pledged to help one another secure and deepen our freedoms.

This commitment will not lead to miracles overnight. But if we work hard enough, we can give the new century a welcome identity -- as a time of greater liberty, prosperity and peace than the world has ever known.

This is not mere sentiment; it is fact. For we have learned that democracy is more than just another form of government; it is also a powerful generator of progress. And our challenge is to maintain the momentum so that the democratic tide remains a rising tide around the equator and from pole to pole.

Like most tasks that truly matter, this job will not be easy.

A decade ago, the Berlin Wall came down and we all felt like dancing in the streets. Similar emotions accompanied the replacement of dictators with democrats in Asia, Africa and Latin America. But euphoria fades and we soon realized that building viable democracies in the newly free countries would take time. Still, we were optimistic.

Now we have entered a new phase, and there is a danger, in some quarters, that optimism will give way to defeatism, and open the door to failed approaches from the past.

Many new democracies are struggling because of the burdens they inherited and the ongoing challenges they face -- such as poverty and disease, crime and corruption, too much strife and not enough skills.

Many have been blindsided by the need to adjust to the global economy, and to an information revolution that has elevated public expectations, without meeting them.

And some are plagued by leaders who are more eager to embrace the democratic label than to meet democratic responsibilities.

Day by day, we are re-learning the meaning of Jefferson's warning that the price of liberty is eternal vigilance: with the corollary that it also requires eternal effort.

The Community of Democracies can help focus our energies so they reinforce one another. That will make the task of each country easier, while brightening the prospects for overall success.

For this to happen, regional and global institutions must play a central role. With the Cold War over, we expect such organizations to do more than just host meetings and issue reports. To be relevant, they must become instruments of action. To keep pace, they must constantly adapt. To be effective, they must be champions of democracy.

At the most basic level, institutions can assist countries in assembling the nuts and bolts of freedom. They do this by promoting civil society, monitoring elections, training police, encouraging independent media, and bearing witness to violations of human rights.

I know that during your deliberations yesterday, representatives from a number of organizations reported on the innovative work they are doing. I congratulate all who are involved, and hope we can steadily expand such activities in the future.

Organizations can also help fragile democracies integrate themselves more fully into the global economy; tools include debt relief, technical assistance and incentives for trade. Many countries need such help, but I believe democracies deserve to be first in line.

The EU and MERCOSUR are among the organizations that require democratic governance in return for economic benefits. We should keep this model in mind as we negotiate a Free Trade Agreement for the Americas, and similar pacts elsewhere.

A third important role for organizations is to come to the aid of democracies that are under siege from external or internal threats.

I think back to 1994. I was Permanent Representative from the United States to the U.N. A coup in Haiti had ousted the elected government. The military authorities had violated an agreement to restore democratic rule. Haitian dissidents were being tortured and killed.

The OAS approved a strong resolution calling for the constitutional government's return. If the OAS had not acted, we would never have gained U.N. Security Council approval for a multinational force.

Today, this hemisphere is a leader in helping and protecting democracies in trouble. In addition to Haiti, recent examples include Paraguay, Guatemala, Ecuador and Peru.

There is, of course, no simple fool-proof formula for deciding when and how to come to the aid of a democracy. The variables of public life cannot be reduced to mathematics. Decisions must be made on a case-by-case basis.

As in Haiti seven years ago, our strategy should reflect the will of the people of the country involved, and support constitutional procedures. We must be clear that those seeking to interrupt democracy will pay a high price whether or not they succeed.

To this end, international organizations and their members should consider in advance the array of sanctions that might be imposed when a democracy is disrupted -- and the benefits available when it is preserved.

They should have skilled mediators available to conduct quiet diplomacy when dangers arise.

They should understand the need for regional and global organizations to support each other and they should talk to one another about how to divide responsibilities.

They should review the lessons learned after each crisis in order to better prepare for the next.

And they should forge strong partnerships with NGOs. Of course, I may be biased, since I just BECAME an NGO; but the truth is we need civil society's knowledge and commitment, resources and clout. Making freedom work is everyone's job, and we will all do better if we are pulling in the same direction.

We know that in some cases the principal threat to democracy comes from those who acquire power legitimately, but then abuse it for their own ends. This was the situation in Peru, before the dismissal of its corrupt and corrupting Intelligence Chief, and the resignation of President Fujimori -- whose legacy is mixed.

In other cases, forces beyond the government's control threaten democracy. That is the situation in Colombia.

As this audience well knows, Colombia's people are the victims of a decades-long civil war, fueled by drug trafficking and accompanied by massive violations of human rights.

In response, President Pastrana has developed a comprehensive plan to negotiate peace, restore law, spur economic recovery, and reform key institutions.

Last year, my government provided more than $1 billion in badly needed aid. Some of the funds were aimed at shielding other countries in the region from the impacts of Colombia's conflict. The majority [of the funding] was directed at fighting drugs. These remain vital goals, but it will take more than fighting drugs for democratic forces to win in Colombia.

It is essential that we all stick with President Pastrana as he resumes negotiations with the guerrillas to achieve a cease-fire and an exchange of prisoners.

We must assist efforts to generate drug-free economic solutions for the Colombian people. We should help to strengthen political and social institutions. We should aid Colombia's effort to reform its armed forces and end any remaining links between the military and outlaw groups.

Above all, we must do all we can in the United States and elsewhere to cut demand for illegal drugs, because the appetite for narcotics is among the deadliest forms of cross-border intervention.

This is a tall order that will take time [to achieve]. But Colombia must be healthy if our hemisphere is to be secure. It is both right and smart for the democratic community to close ranks and help.

On Cuba, let me just say that I was often asked when I was in office about the wisdom of the embargo. People in the United States are very divided about this. Critics suggest that if a policy doesn't work for 40 years, one might logically begin to reconsider it. On the other hand, Castro hasn't changed in 40 years, which has made it hard to generate enthusiasm for a new policy.

I am convinced that debating the embargo right now is more divisive than productive. Our focus should be on how to help Cubans prepare for the day when Castro is no longer in the picture.

We all want to see a rapid and peaceful transition to democracy. But that will be difficult in a society that has been told for decades that democracy is an imperialist tool.

I hope the nations and organizations represented here will strive to counter Castro's propaganda, nurture civil society, and back those in Cuba who are trying to expand the bounds of political and intellectual expression.

I also hope that the United States will be able to work as a partner with you in these efforts. The Clinton Administration did all it could within the limits of U.S. law to expand people-to-people contacts and encourage the growth of independent institutions in Cuba.

Looking to the future, I think it might be a good idea for Congress to re-examine our laws. As written, they provide very little flexibility beyond the meaningful but modest steps President Clinton was able to take.

If a process of change were to begin in Cuba, under present law, the Bush Administration could do nothing until a near-perfect democracy was in place. That is a prescription for paralysis.

Congress should give President Bush the capacity to offer incentives aimed at shaping events in Cuba, and not merely reacting to them.

It may be hard to visualize a democratic Cuba. But that prospect is less remarkable than many of the transformations we have witnessed in recent years, in which regional and global organizations have played a pivotal role.

For example, the U.N., NATO, the EU and OSCE have done much to help democracy find nourishment in the Balkans' rocky soil. Together, they have spurred democratic progress in Bosnia, Croatia, Albania and Macedonia. And international support helped the brave people of Yugoslavia free themselves from Milosevic's corrupt and criminal rule.

In this connection, I commend Secretary of State Powell for sending a letter of congratulations to the new government in Belgrade for its decision to embrace the Warsaw Declaration. Secretary Powell has made clear that America will maintain its bipartisan tradition of leadership for democracy in our own hemisphere and worldwide.

In Africa, the OAU has embraced democratic principles, although many of its members continue to struggle. In Warsaw, my colleague from Malawi warned that free institutions have little chance to survive if they are not associated with a better quality of life.

I am proud of the Clinton Administration's success last year in gaining congressional support for debt relief, the Africa Growth and Opportunity Act, and a more robust investment in fighting HIV/AIDS. I am encouraged that the senseless war between Ethiopia and Eritrea has come to an end. And I am pleased that new leadership in the Congo may revive the U.N. peace process there.

The world should support Africa in its efforts to fight disease, end conflicts and participate more fully in the world economy. At the same time, we must not fall into the trap of lowering expectations.

The African people deserve leaders who take democracy seriously. President Obasanjo merits strong support for his effort to keep Nigeria together and move it forward. President Mugabe deserves strong condemnation for his effort to divide Zimbabwe and drag it backward into lawlessness and fear.

While in Warsaw for the democracy conference, I had the honor of introducing a video of Aung San Suu Kyi. There are times I think I could make a living doing this. It's at least the third time I have introduced a video of this courageous woman.

I pray the day will come when she is free to accompany her message abroad, and when the Burmese people are free to choose their own leaders and shape their own destinies.

Prayers, of course, are good and necessary things. But in this case, they are not sufficient.

The ILO has done a service by calling attention to Burma's abhorrent labor practices. The U.N. Special Representative encouraged the dialogue that has now begun between Aung San Suu Kyi and the military regime.

My hope is that ASEAN will also begin to assert itself as an organization committed to democracy. And I am pleased that former Foreign Minister Surin, who will address this conference later today, has been a leader in trying to nudge the group in the right direction.

The blur of daily events makes it hard at times to track the dominant currents that are steadily shaping and reshaping the landscape of world affairs.

We do not have the advantage of historians who know the end of the story before they write the beginning.

We proceed day by day, trying to avoid the whirlpools, stay alert for storms, and bail out the boat, when necessary.

We might well lose our way if we did not have our eyes fixed on the horizon, to which we are guided by a constant star.

I spoke earlier of the inspiration provided by the memorials to Jefferson and Lincoln.

Their genius was not expressed through some esoteric theory of chemistry or physics. Their insights were -- and are -- accessible to us all. They were based on the simple premise that every individual counts: and that for all our differences of race, culture, background and birth, we are equal at the ballot box and before the law.

That idea remains the most powerful and revolutionary force for economic and social progress in the world. Over time, it has attracted champions on every continent and lifted the lives of billions of people. Last June, it brought representatives from more than 100 countries to Warsaw. This week, it brought us here.

In closing, I will say again that I intend in my new life to devote as much time, thought and energy as I can to the promotion of democracy. I can conceive of no better way to give thanks for the opportunities I have had in my life, or to apply the lessons I have learned in more than six decades on this planet.

Moreover, when you fight for democracy, you are sure to meet some wonderful people along the way.

Congratulations on the fine work you all are doing. And thanks again for your warm welcome here today.

(end text)

(Distributed by the Office of International Information Programs, U.S. Department of State. Web site: http://usinfo.state.gov)
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