29 March 2001
Bush-Schroeder Statement on Transatlantic Vision for 21st Century
President Bush and German Chancellor Gerhard Schroeder issued a joint
statement on a transatlantic vision for the 21st century following
their meeting March 29 in Washington.
They reaffirmed America's and Germany's commitment to freedom,
democracy, and human rights -- "the lasting principles which are at
the basis of the Transatlantic community of values" -- and they
pledged to give the U.S.-European partnership "a new quality" in the
age of globalization.
The document includes statements on NATO, Russia, southeastern Europe,
the European Security and Defense Policy/Identity, weapons of mass
destruction, the digital divide, climate change, HIV/AIDS, and
reparations for victims of the Nazi regime.
"German-American friendship ... must continue to be based on broad
popular support in the new century," the statement concludes. "To this
end, we will, on both sides of the Atlantic, encourage even more
contacts among members of the younger generation."
Following is the text:
The White House
Office of the Press Secretary
March 29, 2001
Joint Statement by President George W. Bush and Chancellor Gerhard Schroeder
On a Transatlantic Vision for The 21st Century
The United States of America and the Federal Republic of Germany are
linked by a deep friendship. Our meeting today opens a new chapter in
our close relationship. At the beginning of the 21st century, we
reaffirm our common commitment to the lasting principles which are at
the basis of the Transatlantic community of values -- freedom,
democracy and human rights. On this basis, we are resolved to
strengthen and further develop the partnership between the United
States of America and Europe. In the age of globalization we want to
give it a new quality.
We agree that our cooperation within the Atlantic Alliance continues
to be of decisive importance for the security and stability of the
Euro-Atlantic region and that this includes an adequate military
presence of the United States in Europe. The Atlantic Alliance has
adapted itself to the historic changes in Europe after the end of the
Cold War and today also plays an important role in promoting stability
in the states of Central, Eastern, and Southeastern Europe. The
openness of the Alliance for new members and its offer of a
comprehensive partnership to the new democracies on the European
continent contribute to peace and security in all of Europe. They are
directed against no one.
We share the view that Russia can make an important contribution to
maintaining peace and stability in Europe and the world. We encourage
the Russian government to further pursue a policy of democratic
reforms and offer our cooperation to this end.
We will be partners for the states in Southeastern Europe on their way
into a peaceful future. War, aggressive nationalism and extremist acts
of violence must belong to the past. We will lend our support to the
process of stabilization and democratization in the Balkans,
continuing to act in close consultation and jointly. In these efforts,
the Stability Pact will continue to play a central role.
Both our countries have long-standing commitments to the territorial
integrity of Macedonia. We strongly condemn the violence perpetrated
by a small group of extremists trying to destabilize that country's
democratic, multi-ethnic government. Their violent methods are hurting
the long-term interests of ethnic Albanians in Macedonia, Kosovo, and
throughout the region. We strongly support President Trajkovski and
the Macedonia government in taking proportionate steps to prevent
further violence and urge that they work closely with elected
representatives of the Macedonian Albanian community to address
legitimate minority concerns. We welcome steps being taken by NATO,
the European Union, and the OSCE to help Macedonia contain the
insurgents as well as to facilitate a political solution.
We are convinced that the uniting Europe will enrich Transatlantic
relations. From the beginning, the United States of America has
offered its support to European unification, for a Europe that is
strong and capable lies in the interest of the United States just as
much as Europe needs a strong American partner. Therefore we view the
development of a European Security and Defense Policy as an important
contribution to sharing the burden of securing peace which will
strengthen the Atlantic Alliance.
The United States and Germany welcome the efforts of the European
Union to assume greater responsibility for crisis management by
strengthening capabilities and developing the ability to take actions
where NATO as a whole chooses not to engage. In this regard, the
United States welcomes the European Union's European Security and
Defense Policy (ESDP), aiming at making Europe a stronger, more
capable partner in deterring and managing crises affecting the
security of the Transatlantic community. This involves:
- Developing EU capabilities in a manner that is fully coordinated,
compatible, and transparent with NATO;
- The fullest possible participation by non-EU European NATO members
in the operational planning and execution of EU-led exercises and
operations, reflecting their shared interests and security commitments
as NATO members;
- Working with other EU members to improve Europe's capabilities and
enables the EU to act where NATO as a whole is not engaged.
Together we are resolved to undertake new efforts in countering the
proliferation of weapons of mass destruction (WMD) and increasingly
sophisticated missiles for their delivery. We agree on the need for
substantive bilateral consultations, as well as close consultations
with other allies and interested parties. We will work together toward
a post-Cold War strategy that increases our common security and that
encompasses the appropriate mix of offensive and defensive systems,
and that continues nuclear arms reductions and strengthens WMD and
missile proliferation controls as well as counter-proliferation
measures. We are resolved to increase our efforts to abolish barriers
impeding trade between the European Union and the United States of
America. In areas where we have differences of opinion we will strive
to bring our positions closer together.
In the framework of G-7/8 we will contribute to helping the poorest
countries in drawing more benefit from technological development, in
particular in the field of information technology. Together we will
also increase our efforts towards bringing about a stable global
finance system. This will also be of help in overcoming hunger,
poverty, and disease in large parts of the world that represent a
challenge to all of us.
We share a common concern about global climate change. We openly note
that we differ on the best way to protect the earth's climate. The
Federal Republic of Germany, host of the Climate Change Conference in
Bonn in July, emphasizes that the targets to reduce greenhouse gases
agreed in Kyoto are indispensable to combat global climate change
effectively. The United States opposes the Kyoto Protocol because it
exempts many countries from compliance and would cause serious harm to
the American economy. Both sides, however, are prepared to work
constructively with friends and allies to solve the problem. In this
context they deem it necessary to develop, among other means,
technologies, market-based incentives, and other innovative approaches
to meeting the challenge of global climate change.
We attach particular importance to the fight against HIV/AIDS. We want
the G-7/8 to intensify their efforts to ease the suffering of millions
of people who are inflicted by this disease. We consider it to be of
particular importance for the pharmaceutical industry to take
additional measures so that HIV/AIDS patients in affected developing
countries can be supplied with medication at affordable prices.
We welcome the agreements on the establishment of the German
Foundation Remembrance, Responsibility, and the Future for
compensation payments to former forced laborers. We note with great
satisfaction that the German companies now have made available their
total share in the Foundation. We call for a swift implementation of
the agreements on all-embracing and enduring legal peace so that
payments to the aged former forced laborers can begin as soon as
possible.
German-American friendship constitutes a pillar of Transatlantic
relations. It must continue to be based on broad popular support in
the new century. To this end, we will, on both sides of the Atlantic,
encourage even more contacts among members of the younger generation.
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