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20 February 2001
Powell, German Foreign Minister Briefing in WashingtonU.S. Secretary of State Colin Powell and German Foreign Minister Joschka Fischer briefed reporters following their working lunch at the State Department in Washington February 20. Powell said they discussed both regional and global issues including recent incidents in Kosovo and southern Serbia, the situation in the Middle East and Iraq, and the proliferation of missile technology. He said the United States and Germany support the efforts of the United Nations, NATO, and the European Union to bring security and peace to southeastern Europe, and that they "assess positively" a plan by Serbian Deputy Prime Minister Nebojsa Covic to resolve the crisis in the Presevo Valley. "We are providing economic assistance to the strife-torn area ... and we intend to support the negotiations foreseen in this proposal," Powell said. The United States and Germany are both committed "to a vital and open Atlantic alliance and to the development within the EU of a European security and defense policy which strengthens that alliance and increases Europe's capacity to deter and manage crises and to contribute to our common endeavors," the Secretary said. He added that he had reviewed U.S. plans for missile defense "and underscored that we will consult closely with all our allies, as well as with Russia and China, as we proceed with this initiative." Fischer said his meeting with Powell covered "a broad agenda, in a very friendly atmosphere." Asked if the joint U.S.-British air attacks against Iraq on February 16 were "legitimate and sensible," Fischer said Germany is "very much concerned, as is the American side, about the immense security risk posed by the Iraqi government, both in terms of the spread of weapons of mass destruction and of carrier missiles," and that it is necessary to get Iraq to comply with United Nations resolutions, "all of them." "We understand the action our allies had to take in an immensely difficult situation ... where they have to make sure that they safeguard the lives of the Kurds as well as of their own troops in those regions," Fischer added. Powell said expressions of concern about the military action voiced by various Arab nations were fairly moderate, and that his message during his upcoming visit to the region will be that the United States is not the source of Iraq's problems. "The source of the problem is in Baghdad," he said, and the regime of Saddam Hussein should be called what it is -- "a regime that is dictatorial, that does not mean well for the region, that takes advantage of public opinion, that uses its people for propaganda purposes." Powell expressed the wish that Iraq would use its enormous intellectual riches and natural resources for good purposes instead of bad. "There is not a single Iraqi child who should be without a book. There is not a single Iraqi person who should be without health care. There isn't a single Iraqi person who should be suffering, because there is more than enough money in the oil-for-food program to take care of all of them," he said. Reporters also asked about the arrest of Robert Hanssen, the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) agent arrested on charges of spying for Russia. Powell said, "It's always sad when you see a fellow citizen who is alleged to have committed these crimes out in front of the world in this way." But he referred all other questions regarding the case to the Department of Justice. Following is a transcript of the briefing:
U.S. Department of State
Secretary Powell: Good afternoon. I am very pleased to have as my guest today the Foreign Minister of Germany, Mr. Fischer, and to especially welcome him to the State Department for the first time since I have become the Secretary of State. I am confident that this is the beginning of a very close and personal relationship between the two of us, and an opportunity to strengthen the relationship between our two nations. Minister Fischer is a very thoughtful and committed champion of transatlantic relations and a true friend of the United States, and together I know we will find new opportunities for German-American cooperation. We can take great pride in what our two nations have accomplished together during the past 50 years. Through the pressures and perils of those years, as well as the triumphs, Germany and America have stood together in defense of liberty, justice, prosperity, and security for all of Europe and all Europeans. The fall of the Berlin Wall ushered in a new and promising era. Almost overnight, the dream of a Europe whole and free replaced the nightmare of the Cold War. Our German friends have responded to this historic opportunity with skill and vision, working to build a united Germany and an increasingly integrated, peaceful and prosperous Europe. When the Balkans descended into tragic conflict, Germany more than met the challenge, contributing its generosity, its people and its courage. Today, Americans and Germans stand side by side in that troubled region working diligently for the day our presence there will no longer be required. Today, we discussed the situation in Kosovo and southern Serbia, and we support the efforts of the United Nations, NATO and the European Union to bring security and peace to the region. And we assess positively the plan put forward last week by the democratic leadership in Belgrade to deal with the dangerous situation in the Presevo Valley. We are providing economic assistance to the strife-torn area that I've just discussed, and we intend to support the negotiations foreseen in this proposal. Our common agenda is indeed a full and promising one, so I am glad that today we had the opportunity to begin a fresh dialogue on such vital topics as strengthening transatlantic cooperation, preparing NATO for future challenges, and dealing with new unconventional threats. We are both committed to a vital and open Atlantic Alliance and to the development within the EU of a European Security and Defense Policy which strengthens that Alliance and increases Europe's capacity to deter and manage crises and to contribute to our common endeavors. We also discussed new threats to the Alliance, including the proliferation of missile technology. I reviewed for the Minister our plans for missile defense and underscored that we will consult closely with all our allies, as well as with Russia and China, as we proceed with this initiative. We also discussed ways we can work together to ensure that the nations of Eastern Europe participate fully in a widening circle of peace and prosperity. In this respect, we both will continue our support for the Stability Pact for Southeastern Europe. Of course our shared interests are truly global in scope, and this was also an opportunity for us to exchange views on the situation in the Middle East and Iraq. This Administration is committed -- and President Bush especially is committed -- to working closely with our German friends to continue our excellent tradition of close cooperation. Based on our discussion today, I am more confident than ever that together we will achieve our common goal of a democratic Europe, whole and free. Mr. Minister, welcome. The stage is yours.
Foreign Minister Fischer: Thank you very much. Thank you very much, Mr. Secretary. It is a great pleasure for me to be here today in the State Department for our first meeting. The United States are our most important ally. As I mentioned before in our discussions, the decision of the United States to stay fully committed after 1945 in Europe was the most important decision in the 20th century, and it was crucial for the positive developments of our continent and of my country. We are very thankful for the role of the United States in the unification of Germany and of Berlin, but also in the unification of Europe. We will never forget that the United States were indeed the key player for this outcome of our history, and we are very thankful about that. We have a lot of common interests based on the same values, based on common interests, and we will very closely cooperate in the future to go ahead. We discussed a lot today, a broad agenda, in a very friendly atmosphere. You mentioned NMD. It was a very good discussion, and we are looking forward for a close consultation within the NATO and on a bilateral level. We discussed about ESDP, the future of the European integration. I think this is one of the most important developments now for the Europeans. It will create more peace and stability, and this is also in the interest of the United States. And it is not directed against NATO; it would strengthen NATO. I agree fully with what you said, that a stronger Europe will strengthen the transatlantic partnership, and not weaken that. We discussed the Balkan issues, and we are very, very happy about your declaration that the United States will be fully committed in the Balkans. Of course, we have examined the situation together, and to develop our tools and instruments but, on the other side, we have achieved a lot. I think the Balkans today, after the peaceful change in Belgrade, after the peaceful revolution, is now on the way to the European values and the European integration. We discussed also about the situation in the Middle East. And for us, the role of the United States in the Middle East is essential, together with the parties on the ground. But I think peace in the Middle East is in the common interest. And we talked also about the situation in Iraq, and we appreciate very much what we heard, that you are looking for a political solution. And you underlined that indeed Saddam Hussein and his policy, which tries to get the capabilities for weapons of mass destruction and missile technologies, is the real reason, and that the embargo policy is not directed against the Iraqi people, but directed against that policy. So, in fact, we agree that we should go ahead along these lines, but made also quite clear that there will be no possibility for Saddam Hussein to threaten peace in the region or in the international community. So we had a lot of common understandings of close cooperation. I'm looking forward for our close cooperation. And let me invite you to the united Germany and the united Berlin. I think the situation has completely changed since you have been there in your last military position, and we would be very happy to see you in Germany. Secretary Powell: The Minister and I had to joke in the course of the lunch that when I was the commander of the United States troops in that part of Germany, he was the Environmental Minister in the Greens Party for that same part of Germany. So we served together during very, very different times than we are now serving. (Laughter.)
Secretary Powell: Your questions, ladies and gentlemen.
Q: Could you tell us what you can about the arrest of Mr. Hanssen who, until recently I believe, at least, was an employee in this building? And are you any closer to resolving the mystery of the missing computer laptop? Secretary Powell: I have no answer on the missing laptop. To the best of my knowledge, we still are not close to solving that one. Mr. Hanssen did work here. I really want to let all specific questions about the case go back to the Justice Department and the FBI for them to answer. Let me just say that the FBI has done a terrific job in uncovering this, working with a number of other agencies, and Director Freeh has kept me advised of this case ever since I became Secretary of State a little over a month ago. And so I congratulate him for this work. It's always sad when you see a fellow citizen who is alleged to have committed these crimes out in front of the world in this way, but I think I need to remain quiet because these are still allegations to be proved in a court. Q: Minister Fischer, may I address you in German and also ask you for a response in German, if I may? (In German.) Through translator: By now you heard the statement of the US side concerning the recent bombing on Iraq. Would you be willing at this point to say that Friday's attack was both legitimate and sensible? Foreign Minister Fischer: (In German.)
Through translator: We talked about this issue at length, of course, and we are very much concerned, as is the American side, about the immense security risk posed by the Iraqi Government, both in terms of the spread of weapons of mass destruction and of carrier missiles. We do agree that it is necessary to get Iraq to comply with the United Nations resolutions, all of them, and we listened with great interest to what Secretary of State Powell said in this respect in the briefing on this situation. We understand the action our allies had to take in an immensely difficult situation where they have to make sure that they safeguard the lives of the Kurds as well as of their own troops in those regions. Q: Secretary Powell, the US has put a lot of effort and time, money, and risking American lives in patrolling the no-fly zones over Iraq. Do you think the results have been worth that effort? And as the Administration goes forward in looking at Iraq policy, do you expect containment to be the bottom line still? Secretary Powell: Well, we're looking at every option in all parts of our policy: the UN part of our policy which requires Iraq to give up these weapons of mass destruction, and of course we have our own policies with respect to Iraq where we believe a change of regime would be in the best interest of all concerned. The fact of the matter is that both baskets, the UN basket and what we and other allies have been doing in the region, have succeeded in containing Saddam Hussein and his ambitions. His forces are about one-third their original size. They don't really possess the capability to attack their neighbors the way they did ten years ago. The danger he presents to the world is that he does pursue weapons of mass destruction, against the agreements that he entered into. So we will be talking with our friends in the region -- that's the purpose of my trip this weekend -- and we are reviewing with the Pentagon and all other parts of the US Government the full range of options available to us. And we will be announcing our decisions in due course. Containment has been a successful policy, and I think we should make sure that we continue it until such time as Saddam Hussein comes into compliance with the agreements he made at the end of the war. But we have to find ways to do it to not hurt the Iraqi people. We are not after the Iraqi people. We don't want to hurt the Iraqi people. But we don't want Saddam Hussein and his efforts to hurt the people of the region or to threaten the people of the region. And that's what it's all about. Q: How big is your concern that the building of European troops and ESDP could weaken the NATO? Secretary Powell: There is no need for it to weaken NATO. If we add to the overall capability of NATO, if the governments of NATO and the governments of the EU will invest in their military capabilities to take on these new challenges and these new opportunities to serve, then there is no reason for this to weaken NATO. And if we do it in the way that the Minister described and others have described, where the planning function is within NATO, where we're not creating new and parallel organizations that drain off resources and drain off capabilities, there is no reason for us to think that this would hurt NATO. I think it complements NATO. It gives the Alliance, it gives Europe, another way to deal with problems that might not rise to the level of needing NATO involvement. It is something that the Europeans have been looking at for many years, and we have encouraged them for many years. So I would rather approach this from the standpoint that there is no reason for this to hurt NATO, and in fact it should complement NATO as long as we keep those two points in mind: we have to add to overall capability and we have to make sure we don't start creating new, parallel and perhaps conflicting planning and executional structures. Q: Mr. Secretary, John Diamond with the Chicago Tribune. Were you surprised by the level of criticism from some of the moderate Arab nations of the strike on Friday? Some of these nations you're going to be visiting later this week. Could you summarize what you're going to be telling them, given their strongly held views? And, finally, since a big part of the US policy is to secure the region, and since these are after all the countries in the region, why are they -- you know, what is the purpose of a policy that they are opposed to if it is, in part, to protect them? Secretary Powell: Well, I will make those points to them, that the policy does exist to protect them. One of the reasons for our presence in the region, and one of the reasons we fought the Gulf War, was not just to kick the Iraqi army out of Kuwait, but to bring a new sense of security to the region. And for the past ten years they have enjoyed that security. But there have always been neuralgic points associated with our policy. The expression of concern that I received over the weekend from various Arab nations in the region frankly was fairly moderate. There were expressions of distress, there were some demonstrations in streets, but overall I think the response was fairly moderate. And the point we are making to our friends is that as long as we are there and are flying these missions for the purpose, not of aggression against Iraq, but to keep Iraq from being the aggressor against its own citizens, in the north against the Kurds or in the south against the Shiites. And as long as we believe that mission is necessary, then we are going to protect our pilots. And this particular mission was necessary to be conducted. It was part of a routine scenario of missions that could be flown in response to this kind of provocation, and we flew the mission to take out command-and-control installations related to their air defense system that threatened our pilots. And no President and no Secretary of State is ever going to apologize for taking the necessary action to protect the young men and women that we send into combat. And I think I also can speak for the Secretary of Defense and the Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff in that regard. And I will make that point to my friends as I go throughout the region, and I will make the point that don't look at the United States as the source of the problem. The source of the problem is in Baghdad, a nation with enormous riches -- intellectual riches and the riches that they have in the form of oil -- if only they would use it for good purposes instead of bad purposes, evil purposes. Now, we have to call this regime the way it needs to be called: a regime that is dictatorial, that does not mean well for the region, that takes advantage of public opinion, that uses its people for propaganda purposes. There is not a single Iraqi child who should be without a book. There is not a single Iraqi person who should be without health care. There isn't a single Iraqi person who should be suffering, because there is more than enough money in the Oil-for-Food program to take care of all of them. And the only thing he has to do and they have to do to get out of this box and to bring all well to the region is to comply, with respect to the UN sanctions anyway, to comply with the agreements that were made at the end of the Gulf War. Q: Secretary Powell, Minister Fischer opposed the Vietnam War, opposed American missiles in Germany, he opposed the Gulf War, and now you sit here with him and talk about missiles on Iraq. What do you think of that? Secretary Powell: Amazing, isn't it?
(Laughter.)
Secretary Powell: The world has changed. The world has changed remarkably. When we went into the Gulf War, we have to remember the Soviet Union was supporting us politically. Syrian and Egyptian forces were with us. The world has changed enormously, and we are not looking at the past; we are looking at the future. And the future we see is a very, very bright one for those nations that embrace democracy and the free enterprise system and those nations that believe in the rights of men and women to pursue their own destiny. The Minister and I share those values in spades, and as a result, what is in the past is in the past. We are now the best of friends between our nations, and I think the best of friends between two men. Thank you very much.
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