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31 May 2000
President Clinton, Portugal's Prime Minister Antonio Guterres, and
European Commission President Romano Prodi held a press conference in
Lisbon May 31 after the U.S.-European Union summit meeting, which
Clinton described as demonstrating the "vitality and importance of our
partnership."
They said the topics discussed at the summit included: security in
Kosovo and all of Southeastern Europe; the EU's Common Security and
Defense Policy and its relationship with NATO; relations with Russia
and Ukraine; the need for a political solution in Chechnya; trade
issues; a new World Trade Organization (WTO) round; and the new
economy and the digital divide.
Clinton said they also "talked at some length about the climate
change-global warming challenge," and that the United States and the
EU have made a joint commitment "to do more to try to help developing
nations deal with AIDS, malaria and TB."
The summit had not been business as usual but a "strategic summit"
focused on new global problems, Guterres said.
Prodi said the EU and United States had made a commitment to settle
all trade disputes on a case-by-case basis under World Trade
Organization (WTO) rules. "Megaphone diplomacy will be replaced by
telephone diplomacy," he added. Prodi also made special note of the
launching of a new biotechnology consultative forum "to foster public
debate and create more common understanding."
On the Balkans, Prodi said they discussed the importance of the
Stability Pact and other continuing efforts to "find a long-term
solution."
Asked about his upcoming decision on a national missile defense
system, President Clinton said it had always been his position that
"every country that is part of a responsible international arms
control and nonproliferation regime should have the benefit of this
protection." It would be unethical not to make available to other
civilized nations the technology to protect against irresponsible new
nuclear powers and terrorists, he said.
Regarding his trip to Russia this week, Clinton said: "I would be
surprised if we bridge all of our differences on Chechnya, and I would
be surprised if we resolved all of our differences on the question of
missile defense, although we might make more headway than most people
expect."
Asked about recent developments in the Middle East, Clinton said that
Israel's withdrawal from Lebanon "imposes a much greater sense of
urgency" and "both turns the tension up in all camps, and increases
the overall price of not reaching an agreement fairly soon, and the
overall reward of reaching an agreement fairly soon."
Following is the White House transcript of the press conference:
The White House
Office of the Press Secretary
(Lisbon, Portugal)
May 31, 2000
Press Conference of President William Clinton, Prime Minister Antonio
Guterres, and European Union Commission President Romano Prodi
Palacio Nacional de Queluz
Lisbon, Portugal
2:49 P.M. (L)
Prime Minister Guterres: Ladies and gentlemen, good afternoon. A few
words in English before making my statement in Portuguese.
First of all, let me say that this was not a business as usual summit.
It was a strategic summit. Strategic in the way we discussed the
diplomatic and security problems of our hemisphere; the new common
[European] Security and Defense Policy of the European Union; its
relationship with NATO; our relations with Russia and the Ukraine; our
commitment to the protection of the values of all civilization in the
Balkans; strategic in our approach, bringing confidence to
multilateral way of dealing with trade issues, our commitment to
relaunch this year the new round of -- organization, and to solve in a
case-by-case situation our disputes based on the WTO rules.
But especially strategic because we concentrated on the new global
problems that represent today the main threats to our planet --
infectious diseases, like tuberculosis, malaria, or AIDS; the digital
divide; the difficulties to make the new economy a truly inclusive
economy; and strategic because we decided to work together, the United
States and European Union, to promote a global effort to match this
challenge and to win this challenge, aiming at the next G-8
organization summit and working together in all relevant international
fora.
(In Portuguese) -- Ladies and gentlemen, this has indeed been a
meeting in which questions of global strategy have been a major
element. Firstly, on this level of diplomacy and security, I think
that we have fully understood the importance of our common European
Security and Defense Policy, and the interrelations between this
policy and the instruments within it and NATO, and in perfect accord
with the relations between these two organizations.
We also discussed in a very consensual manner the efforts that the
United States and the European Union are going to be making in their
relations with Russia and the Ukraine, considering this an essential
triangle for the stability of our continent.
And we were able to reiterate our firm commitment to what we are doing
in the Western Balkans, and our conviction that what we are concerned
with here are essential values of civilization -- in Bosnia and
Kosovo, as to the possibility there of establishing a real multiethnic
community in this territory; and a commitment to transform Yugoslavia
into a truly democratic country; commitment to guaranteeing -- or to
trying to guarantee stability in such complicated areas as Montenegro;
and to offer support to all the countries in the region in their
development to offer a long-term prospect which is truly European for
the whole Balkan region.
In our discussion, we attached great importance to the transformation
of the new economy, the knowledge-based economy, not simply to be a
privilege for the richest countries and for people and organizations
with the greatest power in society, but also -- particularly in the
United States and Europe -- for all our citizens, for all our
businesses, for all our organizations; and at the same time to
establish a very strong interlinkage in our efforts with the objective
of promoting a broad band link between our education information
services on either side of the Atlantic.
We want to develop our common efforts to combat separation between
rich and poor countries in this area, since we believe that this new
economy is a basic and fundamental opportunity for the poorer
countries to be able to press forward, to leap forward, and come
closer to the living conditions of the more developed world.
But we can't talk about this without recognizing the drama which
exists today in the world, given the series of infectious diseases
leading to suffering and death for so many, such as AIDS, tuberculosis
and malaria. And we need to work together, seriously cooperating to
promote global action to combat effectively these diseases, and to
develop in the next meeting of the G-8 an approach on this subject,
and to involve the whole international community and all international
organizations, with the support of the European Union and the United
States of America, in being catalysts in our efforts in this area.
Given the global responsibilities we have, we must also meet these
challenges of our times.
We also discussed many other questions -- foreign policy, for
instance, and of course, one point that the Portuguese government
cannot fail to mention, we talked about the transition of East Timor
to democracy and independence.
President Clinton.
President Clinton: Thank you very much. First, I would like to thank
Prime Minister Guterres for his outstanding leadership in his tenure
as EU President. I thank President Prodi, Commissioner Patton, High
Representative Solana, for their strong leadership and the work they
have done for transatlantic cooperation, and especially in Kosovo and
in the Balkans in these last few months.
I would like to just take one minute to put this meeting into some
historical perspective. We've come quite a long way since Portugal's
first EU presidency eight years ago. At that time, many were
predicting that Europe's new democracies would falter; that Russia
would turn inward and reactionary; that NATO had lost its reason for
being; that Europe's project for a common currency and foreign policy
would founder; and that the United States and Europe would go their
own separate ways.
Eight years later, Europe's new democracies are joining the
transatlantic mainstream; Russia, for all its problems has completed
the first democratic power transfer in its entire history; we have
preserved and strengthened NATO; the EU has brought monetary union
into being and made a fast start at a common foreign and security
policy, a development the United States strongly supports. And far
from moving apart, the United States and Europe today complete the
14th U.S.-EU Summit of my presidency. So I thank all of those who have
supported those developments.
Today we talked a lot about security in Kosovo, the Balkans,
Southeastern Europe. We talked about the European Security Defense
Initiative, which the United States strongly supports, in cooperation
with NATO. And we talked about a number of other issues, including
Russia, at some length. We discussed the need to support democracy and
economic reform in Russia, and the continued need for a political
solution in Chechnya.
I'd also like to thank the European Union for something else, which is
on my mind today because of the work I've been doing in the Middle
East. I welcome the efforts that the EU has led to give Israel an
invitation to join the Western Europe and Others Group in the United
Nations. This is a very good development and I think it will
contribute to the negotiating atmosphere that is so important at this
difficult and pivotal time in the Middle East.
Just two other issues briefly. We did talk, as Prime Minister Guterres
said, a lot about the new economy, about how to maximize its spread
within our countries and how to bridge the digital divide both within
and beyond our borders. And we talked about the importance of dealing
with other common challenges -- I'll just mention two. I talked at
some length about the climate change-global warming challenge, and we
have made a joint commitment to do more to try to help developing
nations deal with AIDS, malaria and TB. And I am very grateful for the
leadership and the energy of the EU in that regard.
So, in closing, I think it's been a good meeting. I think it
demonstrated the vitality and importance of our partnership. I'd like
to thank the business leaders who are here who also have been meeting,
and the environmental leaders, and just say that from my point of
view, all these exchanges have been very much worth the effort and are
leading us into a better future.
Thank you.
Prime Minister Guterres: Senor Prodi.
President Prodi: Well, I am most pleased to be here today with Antonio
to discuss with our common friend, the President of the United States,
the relationship between the European Union and the United States.
But before anything, I want to pay tribute to the support of President
Clinton to the European Union. You always supported European Union,
without any doubt. And this is the reason why our transatlantic ties
are so good now and so strong. And I think that -- you will go to
Aachen to receive the Charlemagne Prize -- I think you deserve it
because this is the prize that is given to the Europeans.
Your predecessor, President Kennedy, was a Berliner; you now, you are
not a Berliner, but a European, I'd say, because I think that you
belong to our family, really. The United States helped Europe, even at
the most difficult point, even when Europe was becoming more and more
powerful -- like making up a Euro in the last building of our new
Europe.
Now we are 375 million people. We shall arrive to 500 million people
with enlargement. And we discussed enlargement this morning and we
discussed how enlargement can be performed quickly, well, in a
peaceful way, not harming anybody, and being accepted also by Russia.
This almost was a photo op of the meeting that I had with the Russian
President Putin just the day before yesterday, discussing how
enlargement would be done, and the aim, the goals of enlargement.
Concerning the point you didn't touch in our relation, we discussed
frankly about trade. And, of course, conflicts between the two biggest
trade powers in the world are always possible. We are the largest
trade in the world and we represent more than 40 percent of world
trade.
We are committed, and we decided to be committed today to a more
territorial trade system, and all trade disputes will be settled case
by case under WTO rules. This was clear, there was a clear commitment.
And we decided also that megaphone diplomacy will be replaced by
telephone diplomacy. It is more constructive, even less sexy.
I am pleased that we have already two results of this cooperation.
After three years of discussion, we are finally able to come today
with a solution to settle our difference on that of protection, which
is a very delicate issue. And then we developed jointly the safe
harbor concept. And so we shall have, together, high data protection
standards and free information flows.
This deal has been approved today by our member states, and so will
not be reviewed by the European Parliament; it's done. WTO accession
of China will take place very soon, I hope, we hope. We are working
for that, and we are, the two teams, the American-U.S. team and the
European Union teams, are really working together for that.
And we launch today the biotechnology consultative forum to foster
public debate and create more common understanding. I remember that
this forum, which I proposed in October last year at my first meeting
with you, Bill, is made of outstanding and independent individuals
from outside the government. It's a very independent body. And I do
expect that this forum will meet in July.
And so we agreed also to go together to the G-8 with a strong agenda
on the tragic problem of sickness in the world. We shall elaborate
this strategy for tuberculosis, malaria, and AIDS fighting over all
the world. This is the agreement that we have today in a very good
friendship environment.
And also, I want to add as the last reflection that -- you talked
about the Balkans -- we know that together with the action, with the
Stability Pact, with the -- that you are doing day by day, we must
find a long-term solution in the idea of European Union spirit, in the
European Union environment in order to give a long-lasting solution to
the Balkan problems. Thank you.
Q:
Prime Minister Guterres and President Prodi, in a few months
President Clinton will make a decision about a national missile
defense system for the United States. For an American audience, can
you explain any European concerns about deploying such a system, and
whether, in your just-completed trip to Moscow, President Putin
expressed any flexibility about amending the ABM to allow such a
system?
And President Clinton, in the system that you envision, would that
allow for the missile protection system to protect Europe and our NATO
allies, as Governor Bush has suggested? Thank you.
Prime Minister Guterres: Well, President Clinton was kind enough to
inform us about what he thinks about the matter. I think he'll express
that better than myself. I'd like to say that this is a matter in
which the European Union has not an official position, but we have --
I'll say all of us -- a main concern. We live in the Northern
Hemisphere where from Bering to Bering we want to have a strong
security situation. We believe we have built a lot on the process to
create that. And we believe that every new move to strengthen these
must be as comprehensive as possible, as agreed by everybody as
possible, and as corresponding as possible to everyone's concerns and
to everyone's preoccupations in this matter.
President Prodi: Well, I have to add also that President Clinton --
there was no yet precise proposal done. But we discussed it on the
general principle that there was no decoupling, that there is no
division between the two sides of the Atlantic. We are still, and we
are more and more joined together in our defense purpose, not only in
our economic purposes. And so the spirit in which we judge the program
-- we didn't go into the details -- was a constructive and friendly
talk.
Q:
And the Russian President?
President Prodi: No, the Russian President didn't touch the problem
two days ago. The program was not on the agenda and we didn't make any
head to that.
President Clinton: First, let me just very briefly reiterate the
criteria that I have set out for making a decision. First of all, is
there a threat which is new and different? The answer to that, it
seems to me, is plainly, yes, there is and there will be one. That is
the danger that states that are not part of the international arms
control and nonproliferation regime would acquire nuclear weapons and
the missiles to deliver them, and that they might make them available
to rogue elements not part of nation states, but allied with them.
Secondly, is the technology available to meet the threat? Thirdly,
what does it cost? Fourthly, what is the impact of deploying a
different system on our overall security interests, included but not
limited to arms control? So that is the context in which this decision
must be made and why I have worked so hard to try to preserve the
international framework of arms agreements.
Now, I have always said that I thought that if the United States had
such technology, and if the purpose of the technology is to provide
protection against irresponsible new nuclear powers and their possible
alliances with terrorists and other groups, then every country that is
part of a responsible international arms control and nonproliferation
regime should have the benefit of this protection. That's always been
my position.
So I think that we've done a lot of information sharing already with
the Russians. We have offered to do more, and we would continue to. I
don't think that we could ever advance the notion that we have this
technology designed to protect us against a new threat, a threat which
was also a threat to other civilized nations who might or might not be
nuclear powers but were completely in harness with us on a
nonproliferation regime, and not make it available to them. I think it
would be unethical not to do so. That's always been my position and I
think that is the position of everyone in this administration.
Q:
Mr. President, for Portuguese Public Television. In the middle of
this month, in Lithuania, nine countries met and they expressed their
will to be part of NATO and they want to work together. Did you
address the question of further NATO enlargement and how you all see
this kind of new "big bang"?
President Clinton: Well, the short answer to your question is we
didn't talk about further NATO enlargement. But we have worked hard to
try to make NATO relevant to the 21st century. We've taken in new
members. We have had partnerships with dozens of new democracies,
stretching all the way to Central Asia. We have specific agreements
with Ukraine and Russia. And I think we will have to continue to
modernize the structure of NATO as we go along.
And I think more and more, the countries against whom NATO was once
organized -- that is, Russia and other members of part of the former
Soviet bloc -- will see NATO as a partner, not a former adversary, and
you will see further integration and further cooperation. That's what
I believe will happen.
Q:
Yes, I'll start with Mr. President. Now that you are formally a
European, considering Mr. Prodi has given you the qualification, I
just wanted to ask you how do you feel about the position that's been
expressed by some members of your administration that there is really
not an adequate counterpart when they have to deal, for example, on
economic and financial matters? That there is Europe, but there are no
ministers. Every six months you meet a different President of the
European Union. Do you feel that it would be better for Europe as a
whole to move further ahead into further integration, expressing
better and with more determination their position?
And the same question is for Mr. Prodi and for Mr. Guterres. Mr.
Prodi, I know you've been attacked and some people have been saying
that Europe is really moving back into some kind of national
environment, a national policy. Isn't that a negative development?
Thank you.
President Clinton: Well, first, I think it's entirely a question for
Europeans to determine, how they should organize themselves and at
what pace this integration should proceed. But if you look at the
roles now occupied, for example, by Mr. Solana and Mr. Patton, if you
look at the work that the EU has done to get our common endeavors
energized in Kosovo, for example, just in the last few months, I think
you have to say that the European Union is growing stronger, not
weaker, and that it's growing more effective.
How you should proceed from here depends upon, I think, both the
attitudes of the leaders, as well as popular opinion, and will be
determined in no small measure by what the specific circumstances are
confronting Europe in the next 4, 5 to 10 years.
But as an outsider, let me just say, I think that whenever something
is in the process of being born, being formed, maturing, and you want
to understand it, and then explain it to other people, which is what
your job is -- since you're in the media, you have to first understand
it and explain it to other people -- there is always the tendency to
see in any specific event evidence of a pattern which shows either
that there's backsliding or accelerating going forward. I think you
have to resist that a little bit now, because really history has no
predicate for the European Union. Even the formation of the United
States out of the various states is not the same thing. And we had
quite a period of time before we had a national government, when we
were sort of a nation and we sort of weren't; when we were sort of
together and we sort of weren't; in a much simpler time, when the
states had nothing like the history all the nations of Europe have.
So I think that we all have to have a little humility here and let
this thing sort of unfold as history, popular opinion and the vision
of the leaders dictate. But I take it, from my point of view as an
American, I think that so far all the developments, on balance, are
very positive. I believe we want a strong and united Europe that is
democratic and secure, and a partner with us for dealing with the
world's challenges of the future. So I think it's going in the right
direction and I think it's a very good thing.
President Prodi: Well, on my side, the answer is very simple. You know
that the rotation of power is as ancient as ancient Rome, you know,
and Rome became Rome and it began with the rotation of six months, as
we are doing now. (Laughter.) But I can also add there is a rotation
of the President's Council, but there is no rotation of the President
of the Commission. And so there is some stability in this, on this
power.
But I will tell you something more, just a hint, joining what Bill
Clinton told now -- look, let's stay on the path, let's stick on the
facts. The enlargement, resting on the facts, never happened in
history to put together 11 currencies, you know. Let's stick on the
facts -- never happen in history to enlarge this democratic process as
we are doing now.
I'm touring every day in the new applying countries. And to see 12
parliaments working day and night to apply the new legislation, to
conform to the European legislation -- is something that it makes
different with history. This is what is happening now. And so I am not
only confident that Europe is strong, but Europe will be the real new
event of the democracy of the 21st century.
Prime Minister Guterres: If I may add something. I think we have
achieved a lot, but we are not satisfied, we are going on. We have an
intergovernmental conference taking place now to improve our
efficiency in decision-making, our democracy, our transparency -- and
to make sure we'll be able to cope with enlargement, and at the same
time, to deepen our integration.
And if one looks back at the recent Lisbon extraordinary summit, I
have to recognize that I, myself, was not expecting the European Union
to be able to take so many policy decisions in so many relevant
matters in such a quick frame of time, which proves that when we want
-- when we have the political will to do that, we really can have good
decisions, quick decisions, and can find the right path.
So I'm very optimistic about the future of Europe, and I think my
optimism is shared by all those that want to join the European Union
at this moment.
Q:
Mr. President, it's been a very busy couple of weeks in the Middle
East, as you know. I'm wondering whether what's happened there
recently has created any new opportunities for the peace process, what
dangers it might have raised, and whether anything that's happened
there has given you new hope that the September 13th deadline for a
Palestinian-Israeli agreement will be reached?
President Clinton: Well, I think the decision of Prime Minister Barak
to withdraw the Israeli troops from southern Lebanon, in accordance
with the United Nations resolution, was, first of all, a daring one
which creates both new challenges and new opportunities. It changed
the landscape. And from my point of view, it imposes on -- it should
impose, at least, on all parties a greater sense of urgency, because
things are up in the air again. So there is an opportunity -- to use a
much overworked phrase -- to create a new order, to fashion a new
peaceful order out of the principles of the Oslo Accord and all that's
been done in the year since.
But from my point of view it also imposes a much greater sense of
urgency. I think the consequences of inaction are now likely to be
more difficult because of this move. And so -- for example, you have
now -- just for example, you talked about the Palestinians. I think
this will heighten the anxieties of the Palestinians in Lebanon. Does
this mean that there is going to be a peace and, therefore, they will
be able to have a better life, either going home or going to some
third country, going to Europe, going to the United States; or does
this mean that this is it and there is sort of a new freezing of the
situation? So there is anxiety in that community. You see that in
every little aspect of this.
I think, on balance, it's good, because I believe they are going to
reach an agreement. But it both turns the tension up in all camps, and
increases the overall price of not reaching an agreement fairly soon,
and the overall reward of reaching an agreement fairly soon. It
changes everything in a way that both increases the pluses and
increases the potential minuses. That's my analysis.
Q:
President Clinton, sir, can you confirm if it's true that tomorrow
you will meet in Lisbon with Prime Minister from Israel Ehud Barak?
President Clinton: Yes. I will, and I'm going to talk to Mr. Arafat
before that, sometime today. Yes.
Q:
Mr. President, I'm from Indonesia. Since in the senior level group
it was mentioned the coordinated support for the President and
Indonesian government, how do you feel the political and economic
development in Indonesia? Thank you.
President Clinton: Well, first, I think it's worth pointing out that
it's the largest Muslim country in the world, one of the handful of
nations which will determine much of the shape of the 21st century,
the next 30 or 40 years, by whether it does well or does poorly. So I
think that everything that has been done to try to stabilize the
country politically and get back to economic growth is a plus.
And I suppose, like any outsider, my only wish is that more could be
done more quickly, because so many people within Indonesia's lives are
at stake, and the rest of us, we really need you to succeed.
Prime Minister Guterres: If I may say something that might sound
surprising to you -- probably before this press conference ends, our
Minister of Foreign Affairs will fly to Jakarta. And under the
Portuguese presidency of the European Union, it will be held, the
first political dialogue between Indonesia and the European Union. And
that also shows the attachment we have in the European Union for
democracy, peace and stability in Indonesia.
Q:
The New York Times. Mr. Prime Minister, Mr. President, could you
share with us your impressions of President Putin, and the extent to
which you see any prospects for some flexibility on a political
solution in Chechnya? And President Clinton, could you kindly expand a
bit on your discussions today about Russia? And on the eve of your
trip to Russia, do you foresee any progress on any bilaterial issue,
including arms control, Chechnya, corruption?
Prime Minister Guterres: Well, in our last meeting in Moscow, I must
say that I was quite impressed by President Putin's determination in
creating in Russia a democratic state based on the market economy and
rule of law. It was also clear, from our point of view, that even if
our views about Chechnya are different, he said -- and he said
publicly -- that he was committed to a political solution. And he also
announced his firm support to the inquiries to be made by an
independent committee, his will to see the OSC back, and to give
better support to international organizations involved in humanitarian
help. And he even stressed in the press conference that there would be
people prosecuted for violations of human rights in Chechnya.
So even if this does not correspond entirely to what we think, it
really shows a move and a step which I believe is in a positive
direction.
President Prodi: I confirm that there was a precise engagement on
concrete decision to make inspections and transparency more visible in
Chechnya for the immediate weeks, for the time that is in front of us.
President Clinton: Let me just say this. To start with a negative and
end with a positive, I would be surprised if we bridge all of our
differences on Chechnya, and I would be surprised if we resolved all
of our differences on the question of missile defense, although we
might make more headway than most people expect. I'm just not sure
yet.
However, I do expect that there will be two or three other areas where
we will have truly meaningful announcements that I think will make a
real difference -- one of them, in particular, we're working on it; if
we get it done, it will be very, very important.
So I think the trip is well worth it, and even in the areas where we
may not have an agreement, in some ways that may be the most important
reason for the trip of all. We shouldn't only do these trips and these
dialogues when we know we've got a guaranteed outcome. Sometimes it's
most important to be talking when there's still unresolved
differences.
Q:
Mr. President, can you please explain the timing and reasoning
behind your visit tomorrow with Barak and tell us what you hope to
accomplish?
President Clinton: Yes. They have -- first of all, all the balls are
up in the air as I just explained, and so there is both greater
potential for something happening, and also greater tension in the
atmosphere, which is causing a ripple effect in the relationship
between the Israelis and the Palestinians.
Secondly, Mr. Barak and Mr. Arafat have set for themselves an earlier
timetable, as you know, to reach a framework agreement -- not a final
agreement; that's supposed to be done in September -- but an earlier
one. And there are lots of things that need to be gone through that we
need to go through if we're even going to reach the framework
agreement. Because a lot of the toughest things have to be -- they'll
have to come to grips with those just to reach the framework
agreement.
So I have been looking for an opportunity to meet with Prime Minister
Barak. As you know, he was supposed to come to the United States a few
days ago, and because of developments in the region he could not come.
Then he was going to come to Germany and participate in an event to
which he was invited anyway and we were going to talk, and then he
couldn't do that because of a holiday in Israel. So this was the only
shot we had to do it and still have enough time to meet the deadline
that both he and Mr. Arafat are trying to meet.
There's no -- you shouldn't over-read this. It's not like there's some
bombshell out there. But we just really needed to have a face-to-face
meeting, and we needed to do it in this time frame. He couldn't come
last week to the United States. Then he couldn't come to Berlin to the
meeting which he was also invited. So we're doing the best we can with
a difficult situation.
Prime Minister Guterres: Ladies and gentlemen, I must confess I have
enjoyed sometime ago very much a picture called "Never-ending Story,"
but I don't think we can repeat that picture and transform this press
conference in a new version. So, thank you very much, all of you.
(Distributed by the Office of International Information Programs, U.S.
Department of State. Web site: http://usinfo.state.gov)
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