TEXT: CRAIG TESTIMONY ON U.S. POLICY TOWARD TIBET
(U.S. urges respect for Tibetan traditions)

Washington -- Although the United States does not conduct diplomatic relations with the Tibetan government-in-exile, the United States urges China to respect Tibet's traditions, according to Gregory Craig, Special Coordinator for Tibetan Issues.

"Although we have broader concerns about the long-term promotion of human rights throughout China, specific issues related to preservation of Tibetan culture can and should be addressed now," Craig said in November 6 testimony before the House International Relations Committee.

Craig said that China has taken steps to address the concerns of Tibetans within the Tibetan Autonomous Region and added that he will also be meeting with representatives from both sides.

"I intend to meet with relevant Chinese government officials, and with representatives from the Tibetan community. I will, furthermore, seek to travel to the region, so that I can assess for myself the circumstances on the ground in Tibet and in the Tibetan exile communities in the area," he said.

Although "there is disagreement and mistrust between the parties over the pro conditions for a dialogue... I also believe that the gap is not unbridgeable," Craig said.

Craig noted that his appointment as Special Coordinator for Tibetan Issues does not represent a change in U.S. policy.

"The United States, along with every other nation, considers Tibet to be a part of China," he said.

Following is the text of Craig's testimony, as prepared for delivery:

(begin text)

PREPARED STATEMENT OF GREGORY A. CRAIG
SPECIAL COORDINATOR FOR TIBETAN ISSUES
BEFORE THE HOUSE INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS COMMITTEE
NOVEMBER 6, 1997

Mr. Chairman, I welcome the opportunity to appear before you as the Secretary of State's newly designated special Coordinator for Tibetan Issues. It is an honor and a privilege to have the opportunity to serve the United States in this important matter.

Preserving Tibet's unique religious, cultural, and linguistic heritage is an important U.S. policy goal -- one that is an integral part of our overall objective of promoting the protection of human rights in China. In my new position, I will coordinate U.S. government efforts on Tibetan issues to ensure that they are as effective as possible. I will devote special attention to promoting substantive dialogue between the Chinese government and the Dalai Lama or his representatives.

Let me take this opportunity to review the circumstances in Tibet and U.S. policy toward the region, and then speak briefly about my immediate plans.

Circumstances in Tibet

As you and your colleagues know, Mr. Chairman, disputes over Tibet's relations with Chinese authorities have a long history -- dating to the late 17th century. Recognizing the importance of that history, I do not propose to summarize it today. Suffice it to say that -- as discussed in the State Department's human rights report -- Chinese authorities have committed widespread human rights abuses in Tibet. These acts include instances of torture, arbitrary arrest, and detention without public trial. Beijing places significant controls on freedom of expression -- imposing, for example, long sentences on Tibetan nationalists who have peacefully expressed their religious and political views. While authorities permit many traditional religious practices, some activities are forbidden -- particularly those perceived by the Chinese as vehicles for political dissent. The government closely supervises monks and monasteries, as a means of controlling separatist activities.

China has taken some steps to address the concerns of ethnic Tibetans, at least within the Tibetan Autonomous Region. Tibetans receive nominal preferential treatment in marriage policy, university admission, and employment -- although discrimination nevertheless occurs. Tibetans are represented in the majority of regional government jobs, and in the National People's Congress. Meaningful political power, however, is maintained in Beijing.

Tibet is China's poorest region. Although the Chinese have devoted substantial resources to Tibet in recent years, its economy has grown considerably more slowly than that of most other parts of China. Moreover, not all Tibetans view Chinese efforts to stimulate the economy as a positive development. Drawn by economic opportunities in the region, hundreds of thousands of non-Tibetans (many of them Han Chinese) have come in recent years to work on development projects or in related service industries -- often in the higher-paying jobs. In Tibet's main city Lhasa, the so-called "floating population" of non-Tibetans has been estimated at over 200,000 -- roughly half the registered permanent population of 400,000. By contrast, until 1951 there were essentially no Han Chinese living in the region at all. These population inflows pose a serious challenge to the preservation of Tibet's special character.

Tensions between Tibet and Beijing could also pose dangers for China. The Dalai Lama has consistently advocated policies of non-violence, and has attempted to reach a negotiated solution with the Chinese over Tibet's status and cultural and religious conditions. But despite the Dalai Lama's teachings, some young Tibetans today are contemplating the use of violence in their frustration. The United States disapproves of those tendencies. Examples of the great pain ethnic strife has wrought elsewhere in the world, however, demonstrate the consequences of failing to respect human rights.

U.S. Policy

U.S. policy is clear, and my appointment does not represent a change in our government's position. The United States, along with every other nation, considers Tibet to be a part of China. This policy appears to be consistent with that of the Dalai Lama, who has expressly disclaimed any intention to seek sovereignty or right of nationhood for Tibet, but rather wishes for greater autonomy within China.

Because we do not recognize Tibet as an independent state, the United States does not conduct diplomatic relations with the representatives of the Tibetan government-in-exile. We do maintain contact with a wide variety of representatives of different political groups inside and outside of China. This includes contacts with Tibetans in the United States, and individuals in Dharamsala (the location of the government-in-exile). Our contacts include meetings with the Dalai Lama -- in his capacity as an important world spiritual leader and a Nobel laureate. It is a signal of our country's respect that the President and the Vice President have met with him on several occasions, as -- recently -- has Secretary Albright.

Within the framework of Chinese sovereignty, we have consistently urged China to respect Tibet's unique religious, linguistic, and cultural traditions as Beijing formulates its policies for the region. Although we have broader concerns about the long-term promotion of human rights throughout China, specific issues related to preservation of Tibetan culture can and should be addressed now.

We have raised all of these concerns consistently -- most recently during President Jiang Zemin's state visit will personally press hard for progress in my new capacity.

Next Steps

How do I intend to address my new responsibility? In the near term, I plan -- quite simply -- to learn all that I can. An important part of that process is taking place here, Mr. Chairman. I am grateful for your leadership on this important issue, and I am glad to have this opportunity early in my tenure as Special Coordinator for Tibetan Issues to benefit from the long experience of you and your colleagues.

My conversations on these issues will involve many participants, and the whole range of questions raised by the Tibet problem. I intend to meet with relevant Chinese government officials, and with representatives from the Tibetan community. I also anticipate many conversations with scholars and advocates on all sides of the issue. I will, furthermore, seek to travel to the region, so that I can assess for myself the circumstances on the ground in Tibet and in the Tibetan exile communities in the area.

I hope to gather from these meetings creative ideas on how to encourage dialogue between the Dalai Lama and his representatives, and the Beijing government. I do not want to promise what I cannot deliver. As you know from long experience, Mr. Chairman, substantial obstacles lie in the way of progress. But I pledge to you my most serious efforts, backed by the vigorous support of the Secretary -- who has assured me that I will have at my disposal the resources that the job requires.

There are grounds for hope. The Dalai Lama has shown courage in accepting the impracticality of insisting on independence, whatever his views on Tibet's historical status. Chinese spokesmen have responded by stating their willingness to engage in a dialogue with the Dalai Lama if he renounces independence and pro-independence activities. The gap is not small, and I recognize that there is disagreement and mistrust between the parties over the pro conditions for a dialogue. But I also believe that the gap is not unbridgeable. Both parties have a strong interest in coming together for talks.

It is my sincere hope that in my new role I will at least be able to facilitate a serious dialogue between the two sides. As I mentioned earlier, it is not only Tibetans who stand to gain from a better relationship -- the rest of China would benefit as well. Stability will be enhanced by satisfying the need of China's minority peoples to be secure in their cultural and religious traditions.

A final word on my position as a "coordinator." I view that job as going well beyond coordinating the Executive Branch's efforts in this area. As a former Senate aide, I recognize the importance of consultation and cooperation with the Congress. I am grateful. Mr. Chairman, for your leadership on this important issue. Again, I am delighted to have the opportunity to learn from you and your colleagues today, and I look forward to a productive partnership in the months ahead.

(end text)

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