Text: Special Coordinator for Tibetan Issues Taft Testimony
(Backs Dalai Lama's call for "genuine autonomy" for Tibet)To preserve Tibet's "unique cultural and religious traditions," Beijing's leaders should resume their dialogue with the Dalai Lama, according to the State Department's Special Coordinator for Tibetan Issues Julia Taft.
Testifying at an April 6 hearing of the House International Relations Committee on the status of negotiations between China and Tibet, Taft read a litany of human rights abuses by Beijing against Tibetan religious leaders.
"Besides instances of arbitrary arrests, detention without public trial, and torture in prison, there was also an intensification of controls over Tibetan monasteries and on monks and nuns," Taft told lawmakers.
"Religious activities were severely disrupted through the continuation of the government's patriotic education campaign that aims to expel supporters of the Dalai Lama from monasteries and views the monasteries as a focus of 'anti-China' separatist activity," she said.
Because of China's human rights record, Taft said, the United States announced in January "its intention to introduce a resolution focusing international attention on China's human rights record" at this year's meeting of the United Nations Commission on Human Rights (UNCHR) in Geneva.
"We are working hard with other nations to defeat China's anticipated no-action motion and to pass the resolution," Taft said.
There are, Taft suggested, "significant Chinese interests that could be advanced in moving forward on Tibetan autonomy."
On the other hand, she cautioned, "maintaining order over an unhappy population is a drain on the resources of a still developing country."
Knowledge of China's human rights offenses in Tibet, Taft said, "has brought about pressure on China's leadership to explain its Tibet policy to the international community."
The situation in Tibet, she argued, "deeply troubles" China's international partners and foreign leaders and this is affecting their diplomatic engagement in Western countries.
Since Beijing's number one priority is the stability and unity of China, Taft reasoned, Chinese leaders "may find that a more enlightened policy toward Tibet would be an important step toward enhancing the respect they have earned from the economic transformation of their country."
Following is the text of Taft's testimony, as prepared for delivery:
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Statement of Julia V. Taft,
Special Coordinator for Tibetan Issues
House International Relations Committee
April 6, 2000
Mr. Chairman and members of the Committee, it is a great honor to appear before you today to testify on the current situation in Tibet.
I was appointed a little over . a year ago to serve as Special Coordinator for Tibetan Issues. My policy goals are two- fold: first to promote a substantive dialogue between the Chinese government and the Dalai Lama or his representatives, and second, to help sustain Tibet's unique religious, linguistic, and cultural heritage.
Mr. Chairman as you and your colleagues know, disputes over Tibet's relations with the Chinese government have a long, complex history. Recognizing that this is your third hearing on Tibet, I do not propose to summarize it again today. Instead, I would like to describe the current circumstances in Tibet, talk a little about developments over the past year, and what I've been doing since my appointment.
Current Situation in Tibet
As our human rights report on China for 1999 makes clear, tight controls on religion and other fundamental freedoms continued and intensified during a year in which there were several sensitive anniversaries and events. This year's report documents in detail widespread human rights and religious freedom abuses. Besides instances of arbitrary arrests, detention without public trial, and torture in prison, there was also an intensification of controls over Tibetan monasteries and on monks and nuns. Religious activities were severely disrupted through the continuation of the government's patriotic education campaign that aims to expel supporters of the Dalai Lama from monasteries and views the monasteries as a focus of "anti-China" separatist activity. UNHCR reported that 2905 Tibetans left Tibet during the year, and Tibet Information Network reported that approximately 1/3 of those left to escape campaigns-and pursue religious teaching in India.
In fact, two of Tibet's most prominent religious figures have ' left Tibet during the past 18 months reportedly for these reasons. The 14-year-old Karmapa, leader of Kagyu sect, and the third most revered leader in Tibetan Buddhism, left Tibet in late December to pursue religious teachings in India. Agya Rinpoche, former abbot of Kumbum Monastery, a senior Tibetan religious figure and an official at the Deputy Minister level, left China in November 1998. Among reported reasons for his departure were increased government pressure on Kumbum. Monastery including the stationing of 45 government officials, the imposition of patriotic re-education, and a heightened role demanded of him by the Government in its campaign to legitimize Gyaltsen Norbu, the boy recognized by the Chinese leadership as the 11th Panchen Lama.
Although China has devoted substantial economic resources to Tibet over the past 20 years, it remains China's poorest region. Language problems severely limit educational opportunities for Tibetan students, and illiteracy rates are said to be rising sharply. The average life span of Tibetans is reportedly dropping, infant mortality is climbing, and most non-urban children are chronically undernourished.
Recent reports suggest that privatization of health care, increased emphasis on Chinese language curriculum, and continuing Han migration into Tibet are all weakening the social and economic position of Tibet's indigenous population. Lacking the skills to compete with Han laborers, ethnic Tibetans are not participating in the region's economic boom. In fact, rapid economic growth, the expanding tourism industry, and the introduction of more modern cultural influences also have disrupted traditional living patterns and customs, causing environmental problems and threatening traditional Tibetan culture.
In Lhasa (the capital of Tibetan Autonomous Region) Chinese cultural presence is obvious and widespread. Buildings are of Chinese architectural style, the Chinese language is widely spoken, and Chinese characters are used in most commercial and official communications. Drawn by economic incentives to the region, ethnic Han Chinese are estimated to comprise more than half the population of Lhasa; some observers estimate the non-Tibetan population of the city (mostly Han and Hui) to be roughly 90 percent.
Chinese officials estimate that 95 percent of Tibet's officially registered population is Tibetan, with Han and other ethnic groups making up the remaining 5 percent. These numbers reportedly do not include the large number of "temporary" Han residents, including military and paramilitary troops and their dependents, many of whom have lived in Tibet for years. The Dalai Lama, Tibetan experts, and others have expressed concern that development projects and other central Government policies encourage massive influxes of Han Chinese, which have the effect of overwhelming Tibet's traditional culture and diluting Tibetan identity.
Reports indicate that increased economic development combined with the influx of migrants, has contributed to an increase of prostitution in the region. Experts who work in the region report that hundreds of brothels operate openly in Lhasa; up to 10,000 commercial sex workers, mostly ethnic Han, may be employed in Lhasa alone. Much of the prostitution reportedly occurs in sites owned by the Party or the Government, under military protection. The incidence of HIV among prostitutes in Tibet is unknown, but is believed to be relatively high.
Because of the deterioration of the Chinese Government's human rights record, the U.S. Government announced on January 12 its intention to introduce a resolution focusing international attention on China's human rights record at this year's 'session of the United Nations Commission on Human Rights (UNCHR) in Geneva. We are working hard with other nations to defeat China's anticipated no-action motion and to pass the resolution.
Our criticism of China's human rights practices reflects core values of the American people and widely shared international norms -- freedom of religion, conscience, expression, association, and assembly. These rights are enshrined in international human rights instruments, including the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, which China has signed but not yet ratified or implemented. Other developments
In addition to utilizing multilateral human rights fora, the President and Secretary Albright have continued to use every available opportunity to urge the Chinese leadership to enter into a substantive dialogue with the Dalai Lama or his representatives. President Jiang Zemin indicated to President Clinton during their June 1998 summit in Beijing that he would be willing to engage in such dialogue if the Dalai Lama affirmed that Tibet and Taiwan are part of China. Despite our repeated efforts throughout the year to foster such dialogue and the willingness expressed by the Dalai Lama, the Chinese leadership has not followed up on Jiang's remarks to the President. Nevertheless, the Administration remains committed to implementing an approach to human rights that combines rigorous external focus on abuses while simultaneously working to promote positive trends within China including, in the case of Tibet, Chinese willingness to engage with the Dalai Lama to resolve Tibet issues. I am convinced that this principled, purposeful engagement will-produce results over the long-term.'
We have also continued to raise individual cases of concern. Most notable is the issue of the welfare and whereabouts of Gendhun Cheokyi Nyima the boy recognized by the Dalai Lama as the Panchen Lama and his parents, who have been held incommunicado now for nearly 5 years. When we received disturbing, unconfirmed reports the boy had died in Gansu province and was cremated in secrecy, our Embassy in Beijing made formal representations expressing concern about his whereabouts and welfare. Although the reports of his death were unsubstantiated and thought to be untrue by the Tibetan * exile community, the Administration publicly urged the Chinese Government to address continuing concerns of the international community about the safety and well-being of the child by allowing the boy and his family to receive credible international visitors, and to return home freely. The Chinese government has continued to refuse to allow direct confirmation of his well-being.
In response to an inquiry from the Congress, the Chinese Government acknowledged the whereabouts and earlier ill-health of Ngawang Choephel, the Tibetan ethnomusicologist and former Middlebury College Fulbright Scholar who was incarcerated in 1996 and is now serving an 18-year sentence on charges of subversion. We have repeatedly urged the Chinese government to allow his mother to visit him while incarcerated, as is her right under the Chinese Prison Law. However, her repeated requests to be allowed to visit him have not been granted. We have also urged China to release Ngawang Choephel on medical grounds as a humanitarian gesture.
What I've Been Doing Over the Last Year?
Over the past year I have made it a point to learn all that I can about Tibetan issues so that I am able to ensure the effective presentation of these issues in our U.S. China bilateral discussions. I have maintained close contact with the Dalai Lama's Special Envoy to Washington, Lodi Gyari. Throughout the year, I requested meetings with the Chinese Ambassador, however, such meetings have not been granted. I am hopeful that this year I will be able to sit down with the Ambassador and discuss the Chinese government's views on social, political, and economic issues related to Tibet, as well as explore ways we can help get the dialogue back on track.
I've met with scores of people from like-minded countries, government officials, people from foundations and academia, experts in U.S.-China relations and NGO officials. Each meeting has produced ideas on how to improve the situation inside Tibet, as well as substantive thoughts about how to restart dialogue. Despite the fact that I am the only Special Coordinator for Tibetan Issues world wide, my appointment has prompted other nations to identify counterparts to discuss this issue. I realize now that there is a wealth of knowledge and talent around the ' e world interested in helping to improve the situation in Tibet. In fact, I just returned from Brussels where the European Parliament held an all-Party Parliamentarian Session on Tibet to discuss multilateral efforts and how we can best coordinate future strategies.
In January I visited Dharmasala, India in my capacity as Assistant Secretary for Population, Refugees and Migration. The purpose of my trip was to evaluate and review the $2 million in assistance programs the United States provides for Tibetan refugees.
After receiving a very warm welcome, I had the opportunity to meet with many members of the Central Tibetan Administration (CTA) to discuss the grant. I was overwhelmed by the tremendous sense of good will and community, especially among the younger generation despite the fact that this generation has never even seen Tibet. I learned on my visit that nearly the entire Central Tibetan Administration is made up of Fulbright Scholars. These bright, young adults undoubtedly had much more lucrative opportunities in the United States, Europe or India, yet a remarkable 96% have returned to Tibetan settlements to make their talents available to the CTA. Equally impressive is how traditional Tibetan culture is integrated into nearly every facet of daily life.
However, having just been to Nepal in October where I met with new arrivals who were traumatized and had endured great hardship while crossing the Himalayas, I was anxious to visit the transit center in Dharmasala where all new arrivals spend some time before being placed in settlements throughout India. During my visit the center was teeming with refugees. The new arrivals were quiet, but far more animated than the refugees I had seen in Kathmandu just three months earlier. The rooms were crowded, but clean and orderly. Many were wearing the new shoes and dark pants they received after arriving at the Kathmandu reception center. Attached to the transit center was a small, three-room medical clinic for routine medical care.
Although the USG grant makes a very positive impact on the lives of these refugees by providing support for the reception centers, preventive health care, basic food, clothing, clean water 'and income-generating projects, I am looking into funding repatriation for Tibetans that return to Tibet from the PRM budget as well as exploring ways that IOs, NGOs, and private industry might be helpful in developmental assistance.
Additionally, I met with the Dalai Lama twice over the past year and I look forward to seeing him this summer when he is in Washington for the Smithsonian Folk Life Festival. During the meetings I have had with him, he reiterated his concern about the marginalization of the Tibetan people living in Tibet and requested that I devote some attention to finding ways to improve the lives of those still in Tibet through culturally sustainable enterprises. As I began to narrow down options on ways to be helpful, Congress appropriated $1 million to support activities which preserve cultural traditions and promote sustainable development and environmental conservation in Tibet. The responsibility of the earmark was assigned to the Bureau of East Asia and Pacific Affairs and my office will have an important role in managing the money and monitoring the performance of these new programs over the course of the year.
A Congressional Notification is before Congress which would allocate $750,000 to the Bridge Fund for several agricultural and micro credit initiatives in Tibet. The remaining $250,000 will be made available through a competitive process for NGOs who qualify for project funding.
Conclusion
The treatment of Tibetans by the Chinese government over the past 50 years has been inconsistent with international norms and standards of respect for fundamental human rights. The Dalai Lama has shown enormous courage in accepting the impracticality of insisting on independence and calling for "genuine autonomy" within Chinese sovereignty. Chinese spokesmen have responded by stating their willingness to engage in a dialogue with the Dalai Lama if he renounces independence and pro-independence activities. The problem appears to be solvable. Ultimately it comes down to a question of will, especially on Beijing's side. There are significant Chinese interests that could be advanced in moving forward on Tibetan autonomy. The Dalai Lama is still active and healthy; his prestige will be crucial in carrying the opinion of the Diaspora and most Tibetans in the autonomous regions. Only he can ensure the successful implementation of a negotiated settlement.
Conversely, maintaining order over an unhappy population is a drain on the resources of a still developing country. Widespread knowledge of China's human rights offenses in Tibet has brought about pressure on China's leadership to explain its Tibet policy to the international community. My impression is that the situation in Tibet deeply troubles China's international partners and foreign leaders and that this is affecting their diplomatic engagement in Western countries.
Since China's number one priority is the stability and the unity of the PRC, Chinese leaders may find that a more enlightened policy toward Tibet would be an important step toward enhancing the respect they have earned from the economic transformation of their country. It is my sincere hope that parties will resume dialogue that looked so promising in 1998. Preservation of Tibet's unique cultural and religious traditions depends on it.
In closing, I would like to thank you for this opportunity to testify today. I look forward to working with you another year on this extremely important issue.
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(Distributed by the Office of International Information Programs, U.S. Department of State: usinfo.state.gov)
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