TEXT: SPECIAL COORDINATOR FOR TIBETAN ISSUES 3/11 TESTIMONY
(U.S. urges China to engage in dialogue with Dalai Lama)

Washington -- The United States urges the Chinese government to increase its respect for human rights and to engage in a substantive dialogue with the Dalai Lama, according to Special Coordinator for Tibetan Issues Julia Taft.

"It is in the Chinese self-interest to defuse tensions in Tibet by engaging in a fruitful discussion with the Dalai Lama," Taft said in March 11 remarks before the House International Relations Committee. "There exists a real opportunity to overcome the longstanding differences between the Chinese and the Tibetans. China has incentive to be responsive to international interest in Tibet within a China which promotes rather than represses social, political and economic freedoms for the Tibetan citizens."

"Not only will Tibetans stand to gain from a better relationship -- the rest of China would benefit as well," Taft added. "Stability would be enhanced by satisfying the needs of China's minority peoples to be secure in their cultural and religious traditions."

Taft warned that the "potential for unrest is greater when a majority ethnic/cultural group is denied fundamental rights by political authority."

"Examples of ethnic strife throughout the world demonstrate that mutual accommodation and protection of minority rights is the best course of action over the long-term, and China is no exception to this rule. As President Clinton has stated, 'China cannot purchase stability at the expense of freedom,'" she said.

Taft expressed concern about Chinese efforts to "reeducate" monks and nuns in Tibet "in response to the Chinese perception that the monasteries are a focus of 'anti-China' separatist activity."

"A new campaign to promote atheism and the continued ban on pictures of the Dalai Lama are resented and have resulted in violence that has led to the mistreatment and, in several instances, the deaths of monks and nuns," she said. "Not only do these practices strike at the very heart of Tibet's distinctive cultural and religious heritage, they also violate Beijing's commitment under international human rights instruments to respect freedom of religion."

Taft stressed that the United States views the Tibet Autonomous Region (TAR) as part of China, and therefore does not conduct diplomatic relations with the representatives of Tibet's Government-in-exile. She added, however, that the United States does maintain contact with a wide variety of representatives inside and outside China with views on Tibet and meets with the Dalai Lama in his capacity as a world religious leader and Nobel Prize recipient. Staff from the U.S. Embassy in Beijing and the U.S. Consulate General in Chengdu also visit and report on conditions in Tibet.

Following is the text of Taft's remarks, as prepared for delivery:

(begin text)

PREPARED STATEMENT OF JULIA V. TAFT
SPECIAL COORDINATOR FOR TIBETAN ISSUES
BEFORE THE HOUSE INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS COMMITTEE

Mr. Chairman and members of the Committee, I appreciate the opportunity to testify before you today on Tibet. I also am grateful the committee was able to arrange the timing of this hearing so I could participate. It is an honor and a privilege to have been appointed by Secretary Albright to serve as Special Coordinator for Tibetan Issues. I note that this hearing comes at a particularly historic and somber time for the Tibetan community given yesterday's remembrance of the 40th Anniversary of the uprising in Tibet and His Holiness the Dalai Lama's flight into exile, where he remains today.

As most of you know, I am also the Assistant Secretary of State for Population, Refugees, and Migration. While I am not a China expert, I am no stranger to dealing with people who have fled from oppressive circumstances, having worked on refugee issues for the past 25 years. In fact, my Bureau has long supported Tibetan refugee programs in Nepal and India.

The main objectives of the Office of the Special Coordinator for Tibetan Issues are two-fold. First, to actively promote a substantive and direct dialogue between the Chinese Government, and the Dalai Lama or his representatives. While not intending to serve as a mediator, I will actively pursue all avenues to encourage that such a dialogue takes place. Secondly, I will seek to identify opportunities to help preserve Tibet's unique religious, cultural, and linguistic heritage. In addition to traditional diplomatic efforts, I will work to encourage targeted assistance -- bilaterally; multilaterally; through foundations and NGOs; and even from the business community. Through these mechanisms I will work to enhance the progress of all Tibetans, and assist them in maintaining their religious and cultural distinctiveness.

I would like to briefly outline for you the U.S policy toward Tibet, describe the current circumstances in Tibet and note developments between the Chinese Government and the Dalai Lama since the creation of the Office of the Special Coordinator, and then talk about my immediate plans.

U.S. Policy

The U.S. Government's policy towards Tibet is consistent with that of the international community as a whole: we view Tibet Autonomous Region (TAR) as part of China. In recent years the Dalai Lama has also supported this view publicly stating that he is seeking greater autonomy for Tibet, not independence from China.

Since Tibet is not a sovereign state, we do not conduct diplomatic relations with the representatives of Tibet's Government-in-exile. We do, however, maintain contact with a wide variety of representatives inside and outside China with views on Tibet. We also meet with the Dalai Lama in his capacity as a world religious leader and Nobel Prize recipient. In fact, during his visit in November 1998 to the United States, he met with the President, the Vice President, Secretary of State, and other U.S. Government officials. Embassy Beijing and Consulate General Chengdu staff also visit and report on conditions in Tibet.

Current Situation in Tibet

Since the late 1980's, China has devoted substantial economic resources to Tibet. In spite of these investments, Tibet remains one of China's poorest regions. Illiteracy rates among Tibetans are very high, approximately 40% overall, and up to 80% in some areas. China's economic development policies, fueled in Tibet by central government subsidies, are undermining parts of Tibetan society and changing traditional Tibetan ways of life. Although the Government has made efforts in recent years to restore some of the physical structures and other aspects of Tibetan culture damaged or destroyed in the Cultural Revolution, repressive social and political controls continue to limit the fundamental freedoms of ethnic Tibetans and risk undermining Tibet's unique cultural, linguistic and religious heritage.

China's investment in Tibet's education system has increased, but the benefits have often accrued to Han Chinese whose children attend school in Tibet. Although Tibetan is used exclusively in many primary schools, funding for schools attended primarily by Tibetans is usually inadequate. Another problem is the marginalization of the Tibetan language at the secondary and tertiary levels, where classroom learning is done in Chinese. The Chinese assert the origin of the practice is to make Tibetan children more competitive with ethnic Han children, especially for higher education. Overall, however, this practice has been detrimental to the ethnic-Tibetan population collectively. Meanwhile, thousands of Han Chinese have been drawn to the region where quite often they are given preferential treatment and higher paying positions because of discriminatory employment practices and the importance placed on fluency in the Chinese language.

Reports of widespread human rights abuses continue throughout Tibet as well. As documented in our human rights report, abuses include subjecting Tibetans who have been accused of separatism for the peaceful expression of political and religious views to torture, arbitrary arrest, and detention without public trial.

Most recently, Chinese authorities have enforced tighter restrictions on religious freedom -- specifically a campaign launched to reeducate monks and nuns, aimed at controlling the monasteries and expelling supporters of the Dalai Lama in response to the Chinese perception that the monasteries are a focus of "anti-China" separatist activity. A new campaign to promote atheism and the continued ban on pictures of the Dalai Lama are resented and have resulted in violence that has led to the mistreatment and, in several instances, the deaths of monks and nuns. Not only do these practices strike at the very heart of Tibet's distinctive cultural and religious heritage, they also violate Beijing's commitment under international human rights instruments to respect freedom of religion.

In recent years Chinese authorities have taken marginal steps towards addressing some of the ethnic Tibetans' concerns. Tibetans receive preferential treatment along with 54 other minority ethnic groups, in marriage and family planning policies and, to a lesser extent, in University admissions and government employment. Tibetans are represented in the majority of regional government jobs, and in the National People's Congress. However, meaningful political power is exercised by the central government in Beijing.

Since the Creation of the Office of the Tibet Coordinator

During the tenure of my predecessor, Greg Craig, there were some positive signs that there might be a breakthrough in relations between the Dalai Lama and Beijing. During President Clinton's visit to China in June of last year, President Jiang said publicly that he would consider opening a dialogue with the Dalai Lama should he acknowledge that Tibet and Taiwan are inalienable parts of China. President Jiang reinforced this same view to French Prime Minister Jospin in September. The Dalai Lama expressed his willingness to address President Jiang's terms. Just weeks after the Dalai Lama's visit to Washington in November 1998 Vice President Gore met with President Jiang during the Asia-Pacific Economic Conference in Kuala Lumpur and again stressed our hope for dialogue between Beijing and the Dalai Lama. Beijing has not followed up, however, on the Dalai Lama's expressed willingness to address its concerns. It appears that all lines of communication between the Dalai Lama and the Chinese government are now inactive.

The Administration has consistently urged the Chinese government to increase respect for human rights and to engage in a substantive dialogue with the Dalai Lama. Most recently, Secretary Albright reiterated this message with President Jiang and Vice Premier Qian Qichen during her March 1-2 trip to China.

And during the same visit A/S Koh asked for visitation privileges for Ngawang Choepel's elderly mother to visit her son who was sentenced to an 18 year prison term for espionage while making a film on Tibetan performing arts during his visit to Lhasa in 1996. Such visits are permitted under Chinese law and Chinese authorities have indicated that a request by Ngawang Choepel's mother will be considered. We are pressing hard to facilitate such a visit.

Immediate Plans

Since my appointment, I have had the opportunity to have substantive discussions with the Special Envoy to the Dalai Lama in Washington, Lodi Gyari, some Members of Congress, foreign dignitaries, academics, members of the press, NGOs and other government officials. I intend to learn all that I can about this issue so that I can keep this matter at the forefront of all of our U.S.-China bilateral discussions, as well as in the media.

Additionally, I am also exploring ways to improve the lives of Tibetans through culturally appropriate economic and development assistance programs.

I am planning a trip to India, Nepal and Bhutan in June in my Assistant Secretary capacity. I hope to visit Dharmasala at that time to review our refugee assistance program and assess for myself the circumstances on the ground in Dharmsala and the efforts within Nepal to receive and assist Tibetans escaping to India. I have requested a meeting with the Chinese Ambassador in Washington but haven't heard whether he will receive me.

China considers its number one domestic priority to be stability, and this mind-set converts over to its treatment of Tibet. It considers Tibet an internal issue and believes its policies with respect to economic development in Tibet, restrictions on freedom of expression of political and religious views there, and the promotion of Tibetan secular culture are essential to national stability.

However, it is clear that potential for unrest is greater when a majority ethnic/cultural group is denied fundamental rights by political authority. Examples of ethnic strife throughout the world demonstrate that mutual accommodation and protection of minority rights is the best course of action over the long-term, and China is no exception to this rule. As President Clinton has stated, "China cannot purchase stability at the expense of freedom." It is in the Chinese self-interest to defuse tensions in Tibet by engaging in a fruitful discussion with the Dalai Lama. There exists a real opportunity to overcome the longstanding differences between the Chinese and the Tibetans. China has incentive to be responsive to international interest in Tibet within a China which promotes rather than represses social, political and economic freedoms for the Tibetan citizens.

I am hopeful that the interest and commitment shown by this Administration and the Congress will send a strong signal to both the People's Republic of China and the Dalai Lama that differences can and must be settled peacefully, and through constructive dialogue.

My goal as Special Coordinator is to help create an environment of greater trust and understanding. It will not be an easy or simple task, but certainly a worthwhile effort. Not only will Tibetans stand to gain from a better relationship -- the rest of China would benefit as well. Stability would be enhanced by satisfying the needs of China's minority peoples to be secure in their cultural and religious traditions.

In closing, I would like to thank you for this opportunity to testify today. I welcome your comments and suggestions and look forward to working with you on this extremely important issue in the months ahead.

(end text)


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