TEXT: RIGHTS SUBCOMMITTEE CHAIR 1/8 ON HUMAN RIGHTS IN CHINA
(Smith seeks honest dialogue with China on human rights)Washington -- Christopher Smith (Republican of New Jersey), chairman of the House International Relations Subcommittee on International Operations and Human Rights, encouraged the Clinton Administration to "speak forcefully and honestly" with China about human rights issues in its upcoming dialogue with the Chinese government.
"I hope and trust that (Assistant Secretary of State for Democracy, Human Rights and Labor) Koh will speak forcefully and honestly not only about the recent arrests, but also about forced abortion and sterilization, organ harvesting from executed prisoners, religious persecution, forced labor camps, and the denial of freedom of speech, association, and the press," he said. "I hope we will follow up with a strong resolution in Geneva. And if change does not come very soon -- if, at a minimum, each one of these innocent and courageous people is not released -- then I hope the Administration will conclude that the time has finally come to back up our words with actions."
Following is the text of Smith's remarks, as prepared for delivery:
(begin text)
Statement of Representative Christopher Smith (R-NJ)
Chairman, Subcommittee on International Operations and Human RightsNipping Democracy in the Bud: The New Crackdown on Dissidents in China
January 8, 1999
When the history of the modern world is finally written, it will be in large part the story of a struggle to the death between totalitarianism and freedom. The last few weeks will be remembered as the beginning of one of the great battles in that war. Last month, almost without warning, the government of the People's Republic of China arrested, tried, and convicted three leaders of an organization called the China Democracy Party. This party had been organized last summer, during the visit of President Clinton to China. The three democracy leaders were sentenced to long prison terms for the crime of "endangering state security." The next day, Chinese dictator Jiang Zemin remarked that "destabilizing elements" must be "nipped in the bud." (This was the same Jiang Zemin whom, a few months earlier, President Clinton had described as a "visionary.")
The China Democracy Party trials were not the only signs of a serious turn for the worse. Two days after the trial, independent labor leader Zhang Shanguang was given a ten-year sentence because he had given interviews to Radio Free Asia. Earlier in the month, a computer expert was arrested and brought to trial because he had given e-mail addresses to an on-line magazine. There has also been a series of convictions and harsh sentences for selling illegal political books. And the Communist leadership has reportedly held meetings reminiscent of the Cultural Revolution, in which government officials and ordinary citizens have been called upon to give public criticisms of the convicted democracy leaders.
Our witnesses today are all former prisoners of conscience, convicted of political crimes by the PRC. I understand that two of our witnesses are themselves members and organizers of the China Democracy Party. I hope that in their testimony they will address three fundamental questions:
First, where did the current crackdown come from? Is it just an overreaction to fears of "social instability" as China approaches the fiftieth anniversary of Communist rule and the tenth anniversary of the Tiananmen massacre? Or do the activities of democracy activists, labor organizers, and young people with computers really pose a serious threat to the regime?
Second, where is it going? Is the government merely inflicting harsh punishments on a few prominent people as an object lesson to everyone else -- on the old theory that "you kill the chicken to scare the monkey"? Or should we expect more arrests, more convictions, more repression in the weeks and months ahead?
Finally, what can we do? Should the United States and other free and civilized countries simply continue to "engage" Beijing? Should they confine themselves to verbal measures, such as a resolution at the United Nations Human Rights Commission in Geneva this year? Or has Beijing finally done enough to deserve political and economic sanctions -- such as withdrawal of most-favored-nation status, or at the very least of trade subsidies and other non-humanitarian foreign assistance?
On this last point, we are often told that economic sanctions do not work. But I cannot help noticing that despite everything we hear, big business here in the United States must believe that sanctions really do work. When they really want to change Beijing's conduct -- for instance, in the effort to get China to respect international copyrights -- what do they do? Do they decide that we should be patient, that we should constructively engage for a few years, and sooner or later Beijing will come around? No, Mr. Chairman. They use the threat of economic sanctions -- the very same sanctions they say would be counterproductive as a means of promoting political and religious freedom in China. But if economic sanctions work to stop software piracy, then why won't they work to stop torture? Why won't they work to stop the arrest and imprisonment of innocent people? Perhaps it is because when we threaten to get tough about software, Beijing believes us; but when the issue is gross violations of fundamental human rights, they have come to expect all talk and no action.
Mr. Chairman, on Monday the Administration will resume its "human rights dialogues" with the PRC government. I hope and trust that Assistant Secretary Koh will speak forcefully and honestly not only about the recent arrests, but also about forced abortion and sterilization, organ harvesting from executed prisoners, religious persecution, forced labor camps, and the denial of freedom of speech, association, and the press. I hope we will follow up with a strong resolution in Geneva. And if change does not come very soon -- if, at a minimum, each one of these innocent and courageous people is not released -- then I hope the Administration will conclude that the time has finally come to back up our words with actions.
Mr. Chairman, I thank you again for holding this important hearing. I look forward to the testimony of our witnesses.
(end text)
Return to The United States and China.
Return to USIA International Home Page.