TEXT: GINGRICH 3/27 REMARKS AT AMCHAM HONG KONG
(Smooth Hong Kong transition depends on respect for rights)

Washington -- A successful transition to Chinese sovereignty in Hong Kong will depend on China's respect for civil rights and the rule of law, according to Newt Gingrich (Republican of Georgia), Speaker of the U.S. House of Representatives.

"It is our strong view that China must maintain Hong Kong's current laws regarding civil rights," Gingrich said in March 27 remarks to the American Chamber of Commerce in Hong Kong. "These laws are necessary to ensure its future prosperity. Even minor changes or seemingly minor changes in these laws could undermine confidence in the rule of law in Hong Kong, which would significantly affect Hong Kong's attractiveness as a regional center for commerce. Any unilateral changes would indicate that China values power over keeping its word."

The United States supports the Sino-British Joint Declaration, which governs the reversion of Hong Kong to China, and fully expects China to honor its pledge of "one country, two systems," Gingrich said.

Gingrich said that the United States is concerned by China's decision to dissolve Hong Kong's elected legislative council on June 30 and by the steps China has already taken "to weaken Hong Kong's Bill of Rights."

"As July 1 approaches, the leaders of Congres~s would look with deep concern on any action that would undermine the Sino-British Joint Declaration," he said. "We believe that preserving key elements of Hong Kong society -- the rule of law, an independent civil service and judiciary, respect for civil liberties, freedom of religion, a free pre~ss -- is essential to Hong Kong's future.

"If Hong Kong loses the things in which its society is grounded, both American values and American interests will suffer, and the people of Hong Kong will lose opportunity," he said.

Political freedom must accompany economic freedom, Gingrich stressed.

"Ultimately, we believe the transition for Hong Kong will succeed if it leads to broader economic and political freedom for both 'systems.' And as Americans, we believe that freedom strengthens both the individual and society," he said.

Following is the as-delivered text of Gingrich's remarks:

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TEXT OF ADDRESS BY SPEAKER NEWT GINGRICH
TO THE AMERICAN CHAMBER OF COMMERCE, HONG KONG

CONRAD HOTEL
MARCH 27, 1997

(Following introduction by Mr. Douglas Henck, Chairman of the American Chamber of Co~mmerce)

Thank you very much,~~ Doug. Let me say first of all that, as a Georgian, I am delighted to be here, as you can imagine. If you're from Atlanta, you sort of wake up every m~orning with a certain worldwide sense of curiosity, partly based on CNN, partly based on Coca Cola, partly based on Delta Airlines -- I have now done my con~stituent duty...(laughter)...and, of course, the Olympics last year brou~ght it all home in a dramatic way. So in that ~sense, I'm delighted to be here.

It occurred to me, we had a very good meeting with your board of directors a few minutes ago and I want to share a little bit of the way we're approaching this. I think we are a little differen~t than a lot of congressional delegations. This is the beginning of what we believe, will be a long-term commitment to look at a number of issues in a positive way and to frame things in a way that we think will be effective. And I'll talk about that more when we're done. But we also approach this, I think, with a very different approach at a human leve~l. We recogni~~ze that America is a remarkable country but that we have much to learn. I mentioned the other night in a meeting we had in talking about imperfections. We were in South Korea at the time, the Republic of Korea. And I mentioned that two of colleagues on this trip, Congressmen Hastings of Florida and Congressmen Jefferson of Louisiana, in their lifetime, would have found it difficult, if not impossible, to go across America comfortably because they could not, when they were young, have found hotels in many towns to accommodate them. Jay Kim, our Congressman from California, who has very close family relations and friends in Korea, commented in a way that I think moved all of us that night. That he and his family, he was very young, when Seoul was overrun by North Korea in 1950. Then Seoul was liberated by the United Nations Command, and then Seoul was overrun a second time and his family fled that time. And he came to America. And his first job was working as a janitor in a hospital, cleaning the hospital. And he recently went back to that hospital, where his so~n, I believe it is, is now a doctor. And one of the older doctors looked at Jay for a moment and said: Didn't you use to scrub the floors here? And he said "yes~." He of course is now quite successful and has decided that, while he is successful, he is willing to~ go through the complexities of public life and so he is also a congressman. And it occurs to us, I think, that we've come on this trip to engage in a dialogue between an imperfect America which has been open to all people of all backgrounds and which seeks to illustrate the best in the human spirit and a variety of countries with whom we desire nothing but friendship and goodwill. For part of the genius of America has been to seek everywhere to extend and exalt the human spirit, so that everyone can have the opportunities that Jay Kim found and to recognize that we need to ke~ep looking at our own imperf~ections and to reach out to correct those that in our lifetime still exist.

In that sense, I am particularly pleased to have an opportunity to be with you here today to share some observations at this historic moment of transition for Hong Kong. We are particularly delighted to visit Hong Kong, because the people of Hong Kong have created a prosperity that is a tribute to endeavor. Your energy, your courage, your visi~on, and your creativity have built a standard of living admired throughout the world.

Expanding economic growth is a goal of our agenda in the U.S. Congress. We are about to begin a historic debate between a flat income tax and the replacement of the income tax with ~a sales tax, two choices that will dramatically improve the current Internal Revenue Service 110,000-agent very complex system. As we discuss Hong Kong's future, we also want your advice about America's future. We have been asking questions beyond just the reversion question. We have been asking about economic growth, about tax codes. Hong Kong has a binding commitment to a balanced budget. It has no outstanding government debt. It has a remarkably low tax rate.

Not surprisingly, Hong Kong has remarkable economic growth. Ten years of Hong Kong's growth rates would transform the American economy and prove to the world that freedom and free enterprise are the model for 21st century success. So, we Americans have much to admire and to learn from you who have helped make Hong Kong a jewel for the entire planet.

I am also here to use this moment to reflect on some enduring American values, values that I believe can serve as a guide for the transition that faces Hon~g Kong this summer. I am told the overall view from Hong Ko~ng, as the J~uly 1 deadline approaches, continues~ to be upbeat but cautious. Confidence and uncertainty often exist together, especially~ for a society faced with momentous change.

As an American, I believe that the confidence to face that future begins with a commitment to freedom. No American leaders would be true to our tradition it they came here and congratulated you on your economic achievements without also saying we believe that economic vitality ultimately depends upon political and personal freedom.

For that reason, America cannot remain silent about the lack of basic freedom -- speech, religion, assembly, the pres~s -- in China. Were we to do so, we would not only betray our own tradition, we would also fail to fulfill our obligation as a friend of both China and of Hong Kong. For no one can be considered a true friend if that person avoids the truth.

As Americans, we take seriously a country's commitment to human righ~ts. And I say this in the context of having already said: There are failures in America, there are weaknesses, and there are places where we can legitima~tely be criticized. And our answer should be to listen to those critics and to look at those criticisms, and to try to improve our performance. But we cannot look the other way when the People's Republic of China ignores Article 35 of its own Constitution by depriving a citizen of his free speech; we ~cannot disregard its failure to uphold Article 36 of its own Constitution every time it denies the free exercise of religion.~

The truth is that any effort to provide a partial freedom to any people, to tell them that they can be free in one sphere but not in another, will ultimately fail. China needs to understand that political freedom must accompany economic freedom. If it attempts to restrict the freedom Hong Kong already enjoys, it will have political -- and economic -- consequences.

We support the Sino-British Joint Declaration which governs the peaceful reversion of Hong Kong to the People's Republic of China, and we fully expect China to honor its pledge of "one country, two systems." We are concerned that China has taken steps to weaken Hong Kong's Bill of Rights. In addition, it has decided to dissolve the elected legislative council on June 30.

As July 1 approaches, the leaders of Congres~s would look with deep concern on any action that would undermine the Sino-British Joint Declaration. We believe that preserving key elements of Hong Kong society -- the rule of law, an independent civil service and judiciary, respect for civil liberties, freedom of religion, a free pre~ss -- is essential to Hong Kong's future.

If Hong Kong loses the things in which its society is grounded, both American values and American interests will suffer, and the people of Hong Kong will lose opportunity.

It is our strong view that China must maintain Hong Kong's current laws regarding civil rights. These laws are necessary to ensure its future prosperity. Even minor changes or seemingly minor changes in these laws could undermine confidence in the rule of law in Hong Kong, which would significantly affect Hong Kong's attractiveness as a regional center for commerce. Any unilateral changes would indicate that China values power over keeping its word.

A smooth transition in Hong Kong, consistent with the Joint Agreement and Basic Law, will be a key test for Beijing. Reversion will test Chinese stand~ards of governance and international conduct. How that transition is managed will be critical to the future of Taiwan, to China's international standing, and to China's relations with the United States.

Ultimately, we believe the transition for Hong Kong will succeed if it leads to broader economic and political freedom for both "systems." And as Americans, we believe that freedom strengthens both the individual and society.

Our country reacts faster to crises, rectifies its mistakes more rapidly, and maintains a more dynamic national consensus precisely because it has a freely elected government based upon "We the People." Those three words are the first three words of our Constitution, and they frame our view of government.

People who are free to work anywhere come to America because they know that America offers greater opportunity. People who are free to study anywhere come to America because they know that there is more creative research going on in our universities and corporations than in any other country in the world. This freedom and creativity derives from the deepest convictions of our people, and it is built into the political and economic system that has made us a great nation. The legislature invented by American's Founding Fathers is a wonderful protection from any government that would attempt to ignore or thwart the will of the people. That's why the Constitution begins in Article I by establishing the branch of government closest to the people, the United States Congress.

That branch is closest to the people because it is most sensitive to any change that might infringe upon our liberty. Because the founding fathers feared dictatorship, they wanted a government designed to preserve freedom.

They deliberately created a system that dispersed the power of the federal government widely: two legislative bodies, the executive branch the judiciary. And they reserved all other powers to the state and to the people. They recognized that while God gives us freedom, governments all too often are ready to take that freedom away.

Now America's history has been one of permanent ~tension between order and freedom~~ between government and the individual, between selfishness a~nd selflessness, between idealism and cynicism. For over 200 years, Americans have worked, fought, sweated and bled, to preserve and extend freedom to all people of all backgrounds from all races and every country of the world.

Look around the world today. We are in the third decade of a global democratic revolution. From Portugal and Spain in the mid-seventies, to Latin America, Central and Eastern Europe, and the Soviet Union and its allies, the old oppressive regimes have been replaced with new democracies.

In some case~s -- like the former Soviet Union -- the political change preceded the creation of free markets, while in others -- like South Korea and Taiwan -- there was a substantial transformation of the economic system ~before political freedom was achieved.

But at the end of the day all found that freedom was indivisible. It was not possible to grant one form of freedom -- whether political or economic -- without finally granting it all.

And I want to suggest to you that beginning on July 1, Hong Kong has a duty that is historic, beca~use its great economic endeavor can have a moral purpose -- the expansion of freedom.

As Americans, we believe our freedom is not the gift of any government. It is a right bestowed by our Creator. With the liberty we receive from God, we can work together and live together to achieve remarkable things.

If you visit the Lincoln Memorial in Washington~~~, you will find etched in stone the Second Inaugural Address Lincoln delivered near the end of our civil war. It is short enough to be one wall, yet it refers to God twelve times. If you walk across to the Jefferson Memorial, you will read on the wall, "The God who gave us life, gave us liberty at the same time; the hand of force may destroy but cannot di~sjoin them."

If you read our founding document, the Declaration of Independence, you will find the fundamental belief that our Creator has given us the inalienable rights of life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. And at the conclusion of that great declaration of freedom, you will read that the Founding Fathers pledged their lives, their fortunes, and their sacred honor. They viewed their "sacred" honor as their most valuable collateral, and they put it at risk in order to secure the blessings of liberty that we hold as our inalienable right. As Americans, we still recognize today that we cannot be successful if we do not recognize~ that our rights come from our Creator.

This American system of Creator-endowed rights based on self-evident truths is as current as Microsoft, biotechnology, and the space shuttle. However, its roots go back through our Founding Fathers, to the signing of the Magna Carta in 1215, the creation of Roman law 300 years before Christ, the rise of Greek democracy 500 years before Christ, the founding of Jerusalem by King David 3,000 years ago, and ultimately, to the statement of God's law given to Moses in the earliest period of recorded history.

It all relates to East Asia. The Chinese word for crisis combines the characters for "danger" and "opportunity." In that sense, Hong Kong faces a "crisis" today. It has danger and opportunity. There could be problems or there could be a greater Hong Kong of even greater prosperity, of even greater importance, to the world. On the one hand, Hong Kong confronts challenges and even dangers as it approaches reversion to ~China. On the other hand, it has enormous opportunities in technology, in ~entrepreneurship~, in the sheer level of human talent dedicated to dynamic economic growth.

For its part, China also faces a "crisis," meaning "danger" and "opportunity." Mishandling reversion would endanger China's relationship with Taiwan, the region, and the broader international community. Honoring the commi~tments of the Joint Declaration and the Basic Law, on the other hand, would not only enhance economic growth in China; it would also strengthen China's standin~g in the international community.

If you, as leaders in the Hong Kong business community, can continue to harness the energy aroused by danger and opportunity, and, I believe, virtually every entrepreneur every morning senses both of those, we ~will~ all stand in admiration at the excitement you continue to produce and the further progress you achieve as you enter the 21st century.

Free societies rely on the courage, creativity, and commitment of each individual citizen. Dictatorship may marshal the obedience of their un~thinking subjects, but democracies rely on the unique ~spark of each person's God-given talent. It may be a far less orderly society, but it is a vastly superior one.

Since each of us is uniquely endowed by the Cre~ator with inalienable rights, there is not and cannot be a single dream. A free society has as many dreams as there are people. The power of those dreams has made America a great country filled with good people. The power of those dreams has made Hong Kong a uniquely successful community admired and studied all around the world.

We want to see the continued fulfillment of the dream of each citizen of Hong Kong. We want to be helpful and making~ sure that the opportunity outweighs the danger. We recognize that this is a long-term process, that true friendship and good neighbors require much talking over a long period of time and, whenever possible, require avoidin~g arguments ~~~in favor of having discussions. One of the steps we are going to take, after talking with a wide range of leaders here, including Mr. Tung, the current governor, the members of the legislative council, members of the business community, is that Congressmen Bereuter, who was the chairman~ of our Asia subcommittee, will be regularly coming back at the advice and ~~suggestion~ of a very broad ran~ge of folks to visit here and to visit Beijing in a positive way, to seek positive understanding, to have a positive dialogue. We leave tonight to go to Beijing. We hope to meet with members of the National People's Congress to talk about the idea of a long-term relationship between our two legislative bodies, to develop the ~understan~ding and the dialogue.

Now, creating freedom didn't happen overnight anywhere. Having a healthy, open, free society is~ hard and going~ through transitions is difficult. We have more than enough examples of pain and failure in American history to not look on anyone with a judgmental sense of superiori~~~~~ty. But we also know that, in the end, adhering to the great virtues of individual freedom and seeking to protect the right of the maximum number of people pursuing the maximum amount of happiness~, because they get to define their lives is, in fact, the ultimate destiny of the human race. And in that calm optimism we can afford to reach out a helping hand to everyone, to have a dialogue~ with anyone, and it is in that spirit of learning from your successes,~ coming to understand your situation, and hopefully having a genuine exchan~ge in the next few days in Beijing and beyond that, in Tokyo and in Taiwan, that we've ~started this trip. I think just to tell you that we have all found Hong Kong to be fully as remarka~ble as everyone always told us it was. Those of us who are here for the first time, just as you would expect, are overwhelmed by the ~achievement of the people of Hong Ko~ng. And we look forward to helping you build on that to a even better 21st century.

Thank you very, very much.

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