Text: Sen. Baucus Calls for Careful, Measured Policy Toward China
(Senate speech on U.S.-China relations)One of the leaders in last year's effort to grant China Permanent Normal Trade Relations (PNTR) status told his Senate colleagues to let reason, not emotion, guide their decisions in dealing with the Beijing regime.
"We need to look at what is good for U.S. interests, not what is bad for China," Senator Max Baucus (Democrat of Montana) said in a May 1 speech.
"Like all Americans, I am outraged by the behavior of the Chinese Government in holding the crew of our reconnaissance plane and demanding an American apology, when the blame was so clearly with a reckless Chinese pilot following reckless orders," the lawmaker said.
However, he continued, "we cannot allow emotion to obscure our policy objectives."
"Our long-term interests with China require a carefully measured course of action," he said.
According to Baucus, one of America's core strategic interests in China is to help in "the transformation of China from a totalitarian state with a non-market economy toward a more liberalized political and economic regime."
That means "incorporating China into the world trade community while insisting on respect for basic human rights," he said.
The United States also seeks stability in the Asia-Pacific region and full access to China's markets, Baucus said.
Such access "means completing China's accession to the WTO, granting them PNTR, and supporting our businesses' efforts to penetrate the Chinese economy. It does not mean revoking China's established normal trade status," he said.
"To isolate China and to seek retribution might feel good, but it would not do good. Even worse, it threatens our core long-term interests," Baucus said.
Following is the text of Baucus's speech from the May 1 Congressional Record:
(begin text)
U.S. POLICY TO CHINA AND TAIWAN
Senate
May 01, 2001Mr. BAUCUS. Mr. President, these past few weeks have been eventful ones in our relationship with China.
President Bush announced a robust arms sale package for Taiwan. It included several major weapons systems and, of greater long-term significance, it provides for increased cooperation and coordination between our two military forces. He also announced the end of the annual review of arms needs, putting our support for Taiwan's defense on a more regular and less political setting.
We secured the release of our reconnaissance plan's crew that was being held on Hainan Island. Subsequently, there were several important, albeit inconclusive, meetings with Chinese representatives about the return of the plane and about establishing future rules of engagement to ensure that there will not be a repeat of this irresponsible Chinese action.
President Bush made a potentially dangerous gaffe in an interview where he seemed to reverse precipitously a two decade old policy that has resulted in relative stability across the Taiwan Strait. I believe that the trilateral relationship among the PRC, Taiwan, and the United States, and the ``One China'' policy must adapt and evolve. But change must be made with extreme care.
The United States approved a visa for former Taiwan president Lee Teng-hui to visit for a month, and we have agreed to issue a transit visa for current Taiwan President Chen Shui-bian, although the conditions set on President Chen's visit are still under negotiations.
China continues to hold as a prisoner Gao Zhan, an innocent scholar who is a permanent resident of our country with a U.S. citizen husband and son. They also hold several other American citizens of Chinese origin.
Some of these developments are infuriating and frustrating. After our plane was downed, some in Congress called for revenge, retaliation, and retribution. Proposals include that Congress reverse its approval of PNTR, Permanent Normal Trade Relations, for China; that the United States oppose holding the 2008 Summer Olympics in Beijing; and that we reduce or cease military-to-military relations with China.
Our long-term interests with China require a carefully measured course of action. We cannot allow emotion to obscure our policy objectives. And we cannot determine China policy based on vague ideological images.
Like all Americans, I am outraged by the behavior of the Chinese Government in holding the crew of our reconnaissance plane and demanding an American apology, when the blame was so clearly with a reckless Chinese pilot following reckless orders.
I congratulate President Bush on his handling of the first foreign policy crisis of this administration. He kept emotions in check. He rejected the advice of those who wanted to take precipitous action. He secured the safe release of our crew without giving China the kowtowing apology they demanded.
President Bush's decision last week on which defense items to transfer to Taiwan was also responsible and correct. It will provide Taiwan with the hardware and the "humanware" it needs to defend itself, while avoiding actions that would have been unnecessarily provocative vis-a-vis China. Unfortunately, he followed this measured decision with a "shoot from the hip" comment on a possible U.S. response to Chinese military action against Taiwan. That remark has created unnecessary confusion uncertainty, and potential instability across the Taiwan Strait.
We need to look at what is good for U.S. interests, not what is bad for China. There is no room for emotion as we define the relationship we want with China and determine how to move them in the right direction.
Last year Congress approved, by a wide margin, legislation granting Permanent Normal Trade Relations status to China once they join the World Trade Organization. The benefits of incorporating China into the world trade community were clear.
American farmers, businesses, and workers would be well served by a growing and liberalized economy in China. Economic growth in China would, over the long term, lead to a larger middle class making its own demands on the government for greater accountability and personal choice, just as happened in South Korea and Taiwan. Membership in the WTO would bring international disciplines to the Chinese economy. And the reformers, led by Premier Zhu Rongji, would be strengthened.
The events of the last few weeks have not changed this calculation. If anything, nurturing growth in our economic and trade relationship with China is more important than ever.
Let's be clear about what happened in China while our crew was detained on Hainan Island.
The delay in releasing our crew members was a reflection of a monumental struggle for China's future between reformers led by Premier Zhu Rongji and President Jian Zemin, on one side, and the old guard, including the People's Liberation Army, the managers of most state-owned enterprises, and many entrenched politicians, on the other side. That is, a battle between those who we hope will be China's future and those who should be made part of China's past.
One manifestation of this struggle is political and perhaps increasing military friction with the United States. Taiwan remains the No. 1 flashpoint. Add disputes over human rights, political prisoners, arrest of American citizens and permanent residents of Chinese origin, Tibet, regional policies, weapons transfer. These issues will remain with us for years. if not decades.
Our decisions must be measured through one optic: What are the core American strategic and economic interests vis-a-vis China?
First, we want stability in the Asian region. We must ensure that China does not threaten this stability. That means committing the United States to being a full participant in Asia--economically, politically, and militarily. This includes ensuring peace across the Taiwan Strait, and that means providing Taiwan with the tools necessary for its defense and assisting with the peaceful resolution of the China-Taiwan issue.
Second, we want to help in the transformation of China from a totalitarian state with a nonmarket economy toward a more liberalized political and economic regime. That means incorporating China into the world trade community while insisting on respect for basic human rights.
Third, we want full access for American goods and services to the largest country in the world with the fastest growing economy. That means completing China's accession to the WTO, granting them PNTR, and supporting our businesses' efforts to penetrate the Chinese economy. It does not mean revoking China's established normal trade status.
To isolate China and to seek retribution might feel good, but it would not do good. Even worse, it threatens our core long-term interests. We should responsibly protect our interests and confront China when situations warrant. But reason, not emotion, must guide our decisions.
(end text)
(Distributed by the Office of International Information Programs, U.S. Department of State. Web site: http://usinfo.state.gov)
Return to The United States and China.Return to IIP Home Page.