U.S. Dept. of State - IIP: The United States and China

Byliner: Secretary Albright on U.S.-China Trade Issues
(Op-ed from The Denver Post)

(This column by Secretary of State Madeleine K. Albright first appeared in The Denver Post May 1 and is in the public domain. No republication restrictions.)

A MORE OPEN CHINA MEANS A MORE SECURE AMERICA
By Madeleine K. Albright

U.S. Secretary of State

Congress will vote soon on whether to approve permanent normal trade relations for China. A 'yes' vote is in the best economic interests of Colorado and our country, likely to encourage greater openness in China, and good for the security of the United States.

Last fall, the Clinton administration agreed to support China's entry into the World Trade Organization in return for China agreeing to further open its markets and observe WTO rules. To secure the benefits of this pact for America, Congress must approve relations and thereby agree that we will trade with China as we do with virtually every other country.

Economically, the benefits are clear. Normalizing trade relations costs America nothing. Our markets are already open. But under the agreement, when China joins the WTO, its tariffs on key U.S. agriculture, chemical, manufacturing and information technology products will start going down. Many will be slashed by 50 percent or more. Some will vanish entirely.

The agreement also opens China's market to services such as telecommunications, engineering and environmental help. This translates into more income for Colorado workers, and more business for Colorado firms, ranches and farms.

Even without the agreement, Colorado sales to China have skyrocketed from $13 million in 1993 to more than 11 times that amount in 1998. With the agreement, new sales to China can do much to sustain America's record growth. What's more, China has agreed to unprecedented protections for U.S. farmers, businesses and working people against unfair dumping or import surges.

So economically, trade relations with China is a home run for America. But there are foreign policy benefits, as well. Americans differ sharply with China on human rights. The United States must, and will, continue to press leaders in Beijing to respect the fundamental and universally recognized rights of their citizens. President Clinton and I have consistently raised our concerns in meetings with Chinese officials.

The State Department reports annually and objectively on religious freedom and other aspects of the human-rights situation in China. And we sponsored a resolution at the recent U.N. Human Rights Commission in Geneva that would have called upon China to comply with global norms. We also see, however, that China is changing. Over the past decade, its people have gained more and more control over their daily lives. The role of government in this arena is diminishing, the result primarily of economic reform. And when China joins the WTO, these trends will accelerate. As a member of that organization, China will have to play by international trading rules. It will have to open its regulatory system to public scrutiny. And it will have to further reduce the role of state-owned industries. This will help promote the rule of law and develop a more open society.

It is no surprise that democratic leaders such as Martin Lee in Hong Kong favor the trade pact. Its approval is also the right vote for our national security. The more integrated China is into the world economy, the more incentives it will have to deal peacefully with Taiwan, to help preserve stability on the Korean Peninsula (where 37,000 U.S. troops are deployed), and to play a constructive role on issues such as halting the spread of nuclear, chemical and biological weapons, and curbing global climate change. Conversely, China could interpret rejection of trade relations as a strategic decision on our part to treat it as an enemy.

This would create an opening for hard-liners to move China in the direction of confrontation instead of cooperation, heightening tensions across the Taiwan Strait and the risk of disruptive incidents in the South China Sea. That is why Taiwan's president-elect Chen Shui-bian has voiced support for normal trade relations between China and the United States. It is why our allies in the region agree. And why so many of our own national security experts -- including Colin Powell and six former secretaries of state are urging Congress to vote yes on the pact.

The economic pluses are irrefutable. The value of a more open and rule-based China is significant from the standpoint of human rights. And helping China to focus on cooperation and integration is vital to our security. Were the pact to be defeated, China would still join the WTO, but the dividends yielded by lower trade and investment barriers would be pocketed by our Asian and European competitors. We would be left with the crumbs. Rejection also would harm the cause of those working for reform from within China. And it would complicate efforts for security cooperation with China at a dangerous time.

The vote on permanent trade relations with China may well be the biggest economic and national security decision Congress faces this year. But the arguments in favor are overwhelming. It should not be a close call.

(Madeleine K. Albright, a former Colorado resident, will be visiting the state in May to speak on permanent trade relations with China.)