US Dept. of State - IIP: U.S. Support for Democracy and Human Rights in Indonesia and East Timor

Text: Pickering September 9 Testimony on East Timor Crisis
(Pickering: Elements of Indonesian military backed killings)
The United States "calls for an immediate stop to the killing and destruction in East Timor," says Under Secretary of State for Political Affairs Thomas Pickering.
The government of Indonesia "has had ample opportunity and the capability to achieve this," Pickering told a rare joint House and Senate hearing September 9.
The United States "is prepared to help" a multilateral force that could be sent to East Timor, and has been discussing with "friends and allies logistical support, lift, planning, communications," that could support such an operation, Pickering told legislators from the Senate's Subcommittee on East Asian and Pacific Affairs and the House Subcommittee on Asia and the Pacific.
The hearing was convened in the wake of violence that has ravaged East Timor since the people voted August 30 for independence from Indonesia.
The Indonesian military and police, Pickering said, "appear to have either stood by or supported" pro-Indonesia militias as they attempted to drive out the United Nations Mission in East Timor (UNAMET) and other international organizations.
"It is now well established," the State Department official stressed, "that elements of the military have backed, encouraged, and perhaps even directed some of the barbaric militia activities."
Indonesian President Habibie's declaration of a military emergency in East Timor, Pickering added, "has not really improved the situation."
"Our Australian allies," Pickering told the lawmakers, "have requested that we consider assistance to a multinational force, and we are indeed prepared to help."
While President Clinton has not decided what kind of support to provide, Pickering said. He warned, however, that "continued failure to respond to the will of the people of Timor, in a process undertaken independently by the government of Indonesia and strongly supported and financed by the international community, will substantially impair Indonesia's relations with the international community.".
Indonesia, Pickering said, "has an historic opportunity to transform itself into a democratic country." But, warned the U.S. diplomat, Indonesia's "tragic handling of East Timor, the failure of the Indonesian government to make good on its commitments -- and its responsibility for the present diplomatic and humanitarian disaster -- will have far-reaching consequences."
If Indonesia cannot "right this wrong," Pickering stressed, "let a multinational force assist."
The United States hopes to remain "fully engaged to help see Indonesia on a path to democracy, prosperity, and stability," he said, but the future is "now in Indonesia's own hands."
Following is the text of Pickering's testimony, as prepared for delivery:
(begin text)

Statement by Thomas R. Pickering
Under Secretary of State for Political Affairs Indonesia

Introduction ------------
Chairman Bereuter, Chairman Thomas, thank you for receiving me today and for holding this unusual joint hearing to discuss Indonesia and the disturbing developments in East Timor. I come before you under grave circumstance, with the fate of the territory of East Timor still very much in question. The devastating events of the past few days in East Timor compel us to begin with that subject. Because of the complexity of this problem, I ask both Chairmen's indulgence in allowing me to make a full statement.
Context -------
Before turning to the specifics of what is happening on the ground, I think it is important to put East Timor in perspective by reminding everyone of where this crisis is taking place. East Timor occupies half an island in the vast archipelago of Indonesia. Indonesia is the world's fourth most populous nation and home to the world's largest Muslim population. It is resource rich, spans some of the most strategic waterways in the world, and plays a key role in the political and economic stability of Southeast Asia -- a region in which the U.S. has great economic and strategic interests.
What happens to Indonesia thus matters to the region and matters to the U.S. This makes the current crisis in East Timor doubly troubling, for it is clear that Indonesia's handling of East Timor will have an enormous impact on its ability to maintain cooperative relations with the international community. But Indonesia's future is solely in its own hands right now; this is a crisis of its own making, and only Indonesia can decide to do the right things, right now.
East Timor ----------
With that as my preface, let me turn to the events of the past week and a half.
As is known to the Members of these Subcommittees and to the world, hundreds of thousands of East Timorese defied months of intimidation by military-backed armed pro-integration militias to express their opinion on East Timor's future status in a UN-administered election on August 30. Over 78 percent of voters rejected Jakarta's autonomy plan in favor of a future independent of Indonesian rule. While the balloting took place without major incident, pro-integration militias fomented violence before the vote and reacted even more violently almost immediately after the voting ended. The situation deteriorated further after the results were announced on September 3, with militia groups targeting foreigners, including journalists, for intimidation, leading most of them to flee. The y also forced thousands of people from their homes or places of refuge, trucking them off to locations and fates still unknown. The militias have attacked concentrations of internally displaced persons, and set siege to the homes and offices of prominent community leaders, burning down the home of Nobel laureate Bishop Belo.
They are now attempting to drive out the remainder of the UN Mission in East Timor (UNAMET) as well as Australian diplomats and representatives of non-governmental organizations (NGOs). As these appalling events have unfolded, the Indonesian military (TNI, formerly ABRI) and police appear to have either stood by or supported the militias.
Through successive stages of the consultation process in East Timor -- initial deployment and preparations, registration, the campaign period, and the vote itself -- the GOI has been increasingly unwilling and perhaps, in some cases, unable to live up to the commitments it made under the May 5 agreements. In those agreements, the Indonesians clearly assumed responsibility for maintaining security in the territory and for the UN mission.
Despite those agreements, and subsequent assurances, Indonesian authorities have never firmly controlled the militias and established security in East Timor. Moreover, it is now well established that elements of the military have backed, encouraged, and perhaps even directed ' some of the barbaric militia activities. President Habibie's declaration of a military emergency in East Timor on September 6 has not really improved the situation. Defense Minister General Wiranto has sent additional troops to East Timor, but those reinforcements have failed to reign in the militias, despite the fact that the militias are a far inferior force.
The United States has frequently and forcefully expressed its grave concerns about rampant militia activity and repeatedly urged the Indonesian government at all levels to fulfill its security obligations. The public record is clear and voluminous. Our diplomatic efforts have been equally aggressive. President Clinton has communicated American concerns directly and personally to President Habibie. He has conferred with the leaders of Australia, Portugal, and other concerned countries, as well as with U.N. Secretary General Annan. Secretary Albright has conveyed our views to President Habibie and to Foreign Minister Alatas in several telephone conversations and in face-to-face meetings. She has also spoken directly to General Wiranto. Secretary Cohen has sent two letters to General Wiranto about East Timor. Stanley Roth, Assistant Secretary of State for East Asia and Pacific Affairs, and Ambassador Stapleton Roy have repeatedly delivered the same unambiguous messages to all senior Indonesian leaders. General Shelton, Chairman of the Joint Chiefs, has telephoned General Wiranto, and General Shinseki has spoken to his counterpart General Subagyo several times over the course of this crisis.
Admiral Blair, Commander in Chief, Pacific Area Command, who questioned General Wiranto about the situation in East Timor on his initial visit to Indonesia, just met with Wiranto earlier this morning to make clear the severe consequences of Indonesia's failure in East Timor, in terms of its relations with the international community, and particularly the United States. The United States has worked in the UNSC as well and is supporting an early meeting of that body to discuss the evolving situation.
Despite all these efforts, East Timor is still a territory under siege.
The United States calls for an immediate stop to the killing and destruction in East Timor. The Government of Indonesia has had ample opportunity and the capability to achieve this. The time has clearly come for Indonesia to invite international assistance to restore peace and stability to the territory. A number of concerned countries have expressed willingness to participate in a multinational force under UN auspices, authorized by the UNSC. Such a force would protect the remaining UN presence, create conditions for return of the full UN mission, and provide security for the UN to carry out its mandate to implement the clear results of the consultation.
UN Secretary General Annan first proposed this option to President Habibie earlier this week. We welcome and are grateful for the leadership role played by the Government of Australia, which shares our perspectives and concerns about the situation in East Timor and Indonesia. Our Australian allies have requested that we consider assistance to a multinational force, and we are indeed prepared to help. The President has made no decisions as to what kind of support the U.S. would be willing to provide, and any decision would be made in close consultation with the Congress. The nature of U.S. participation under discussion was how we could bring our special capabilities to bear in providing material support. Among other, issues, we have been discussing with our friends and allies logistical support, lift, planning, communications and other areas where we bring significant capacities to the table. However, I must emphasize that our discussions are preliminary.
Again, let me reiterate that we are prepared to support such an effort in a material way, that no decisions as to how have yet been made, and that we expect to work closely with the Congress as this process unfolds.
While we are prepared to contribute to this mission, to date the Indonesians are still unwilling to accept international assistance. Meanwhile, conditions on the ground have not measurably improved. To demonstrate our profound concern, the United States is suspending its military-to-military relationship with Indonesia. It would be inappropriate to have operational military contact given TNT's culpability in this tragedy. Admiral Blair informed General Wiranto of this development when they met earlier this morning.
As I said at the outset of my testimony, how the Indonesian government deals with the challenges of East Timor will have, implications for the international community's ability to engage with Indonesia -- including support for Indonesia's economic program. The situation in East Timor is already having a damaging effect on the confidence that is so important for recovery and will have significant implications for the capacity of the international community, including the U.S., to support economic reform going forward.
Some in Indonesia and within the pro-integration camp in East Timor claim that the result of the August 30 vote is invalid, blaming UN bias and fraud for the strong rejection of Indonesia's autonomy plan. Let me take this opportunity to make two statements.
First, UNAMET has carried out its mission with great professionalism and shown determination and courage under the most difficult of circumstances. Charges of bias are fraud are not credible given that the overwhelming majority voted peacefully and openly to separate from Indonesia. This strategy of blaming the UN and crying foul is not legitimate and will not be tolerated by the international community.
Second, understand that the Governor of East Timor, Abilio Soares, has made recent statements to the press declaring his intention and that of his followers to seek to partition East Timor into a western and an eastern half in order for pro-Indonesia groups to retain control of the western part of East Timor. The August 30 vote has clearly demonstrated the will of the East Timorese. There is no legal, historical or moral basis for a strategy of partition. Let me state categorically, this strategy is contrary to the plans to which Indonesia has agreed and will also not be tolerated by the international community.
Indonesia is a society struggling to transform itself into a democratic nation while recovering from a severe recession. The United States has a profound interest in assisting Indonesia to emerge from its current political and economic crisis as a stable, prosperous, and democratic nation. It will be a tragedy for the Indonesian people, as well as for the East Timorese, if the East Timor situation severely constrains the willingness and ability of the international community, including the United States, to work with Indonesia.
If Indonesia addresses the problem of East Timor in the manner to which it originally agreed, it will substantially enhance its ability to pursue effectively its economic and political transformation. Conversely, continued failure to respond to the will of the people of Timor, in a process undertaken independently by the GOI and strongly supported and financed by the international community, will substantially impair Indonesia's relations with the international community and put at risk these critical political and economic objectives.
Before moving on to Indonesia overall political situation, let me take a moment to speak about the special circumstances of East Timor. The UN and the international community have long recognized that East Timor has a unique colonial history, that a valid act of self-determination would have been appropriate, and that such an act did not take place in 1975 prior to Indonesian annexation. This, indeed, makes East Timor different -not only from other provinces around the world, but also from other provinces within Indonesia. And while some Indonesian officials may be concerned that permitting East Timor to separate could set off independence movements in other parts of Indonesia, we believe that humane and orderly management of the transition to East Timorese independence, in cooperation with the international community, could instead, communicate a general sense of confidence in Indonesian government leadership.
Democratic Transition ---------------------
As you know well, Mr. Chairman, Indonesia is a society that has been struggling to transform itself into a democratic nation while recovering from a severe recession. It is a key strategic country in the region, and the United States has a profound interest in helping it to emerge from this transition democratic, peace- loving, and economically prosperous. It is important that we not lose sight of this broader context.
You will recall that after Soeharto's resignation in May 1998, the Administration of President Habibie launched ambitious and far-reaching steps toward a more democratic form of government by lifting controls on the press, political parties, labor unions, and non-governmental organizations (NGOs). As a result, in a remarkably short time, civil society has opened up in Indonesia to an unprecedented degree. While the foundations of systemic reforms are being laid by these changes, much remains to be done. Entrenched institutions that reflect the priorities of the authoritarian past still need thoroughgoing reform.
These institutions include the military, police and judicial systems. Corruption remains an extremely serious concern.
The most tangible achievement to date in this democratic transition was the nationwide elections for a new Indonesian parliament (DPR) which were held on June 7. Over one hundred million enthusiastic Indonesians participated. The opposition Indonesian Democratic Party (PDI-P) of Megawati Sukarnoputri gained the largest percentage of votes, and the ruling party, Golkar, came in a distant second. Other' opposition parties also attracted significant popular support in a fundamentally free and fair election. The Indonesian people gave clear expression to their desire for democratic change and reform. The U.S. provided more than $30 million dollars, joining in international community efforts to support the June election.
We continue to call on President Habibie and other high level officials to ensure that each successive step in Indonesia's political transition is taken in a free, fair, and transparent manner. We have strongly encouraged further Indonesian reform through our assistance programs, and by consistently stressing the GOI'S responsibilities to respect, human rights, release political prisoners, and protect the rights and physical security of all minorities, including those of ethnic Chinese Indonesians.
The next major political step for Indonesia will occur this fall, probably in November, when the People's Consultative Assembly (MPR) consisting of the 462 newly-elected Parliament members, 38 military representatives, and 200 appointed provincial and functional representatives will select a new president and vice-president. Leading presidential contenders are seeking to build coalitions and forge a working parliamentary majority. This maneuvering is far from over. This MPR will not resemble the almost wholly hand-picked legislative bodies in the Soeharto era. However, with one third of the incoming MPR seats either indirectly elected or appointed, we share the concerns of many Indonesians that the process of selection of these members be transparent, and that their actions be considered legitimate by the people of Indonesia. The process has strong implications for the future stability of Indonesia. Only if the people deem the process of choosing a new national leader legitimate, will Indonesia have taken another credible step toward becoming the world's third largest democracy.
It is important to keep in mind that the question of East Timor has now become enmeshed in this larger political transition. According to the May 5 tripartite agreements, the MPR must endorse the result of the vote in East Timor before it can begin its UN-administered transition to autonomy. As such, various political actors are using the issue for political advantage. Some key figures, including Ms. Megawati, have made responsible statements accepting the outcome of the ballot, calling on the military to stop abuses on the ground, and expressing her willingness to work with an independent East Timor. We commend Megawati's principled and admirable stand.
Civil Disorder --------------
The political and economic changes of the last 16 months have come in an environment of increased civil disorder. Political pressures growing out of rising expectations,' the economic desperation of the poor, breakdowns in law and order, and long-standing sectarian and ethnic tensions have all contributed to unrest in many parts of the nation. Popular reaction to military abuses in Aceh, East Timor, Irian Jaya and elsewhere have sometimes led to violent protests. In the past year, the GOI'S record of protecting minorities generally and in unique local situations has been poor. Grassroots social, ethnic, and religious pressures, exacerbated by continued economic dislocation and eroding respect for police authorities, remain intense and explosive.
The security forces (TNI), faced with street rallies, demonstrations, and riots have reacted with violent suppression in some cases and unresponsive inaction in others. Many Indonesians believe that TNI should cease to play a political role under Indonesia's,"dual function" system. Morale has suffered. All these factors degrade the government's ability to maintain order.
Economic Reform and Recovery ----------------------------
The causes of the civil strife are various, but a significant influence on civil order has been the sharp decline in the economy. Indonesia was the Southeast Asian country hardest hit by the Asian financial crisis. A dramatic economic collapse beginning in early 1998 pushed the number of Indonesians living below the poverty line from 20 million to 28 million, making food and other essential goods increasingly expensive for many. Unemployment combined with rising inflation dramatically reduced purchasing power. The U.S. responded to the humanitarian crisis by providing Indonesia with several hundred million dollars in food, humanitarian assistance and development aid in 1998-1999.
The Indonesian government has been working with the International Monetary Fund (IMF) on an economic reform program since the fall of 1997. Indonesia's stabilization package provides for unprecedented and accelerated structural reforms in virtually every sector of the economy and major changes in the trade regime. Indonesia has generally complied but more effective corporate and bank restructuring, which will be crucial to resumption of sustainable growth rates, is necessary. Corruption and a lack of transparency remain significant problems for companies doing business in Indonesia, and the GOI has stepped up efforts to address these concerns, but the recent Bank Bali scandal, in particular, has shaken confidence in the government's ability to make significant progress in this area and will clearly impact negatively IMF decisions on future disbursements. Indonesia's economy has been making a slow recovery from the depths of the crisis last year . After shrinking by 13% in 1998, GDP rose 1.8% in the second-quarter of 1999, while in August 1999 annual inflation fell to 5.8%, the lowest rate since late 1997.
Economic recovery is slow and fragile. In addition, Indonesia is faded with internal demands for a redistribution of wealth from resource extraction, a concern which is complicated by growing separatist sentiment in Aceh and Iran Jaya.
Aceh ----
Some make parallels between East Timor and another area of separatist activity, Aceh. Sumatra's oil and gas-rich northernmost, province is home to a long-standing separatist movement that has grown in size and popularity over the past year in reaction to past and current military abuses, and lack of redress over economic grievances. But unlike East Timor, Aceh is seen by all Indonesian and recognized by the international community as an integral part of the Indonesian state. Aceh has deep historical and cultural ties to Indonesia., An independent Aceh threatens the very integrity of the Indonesian State. The central government in Jakarta initially tried some conciliatory steps, but Jakarta's response has since been dominated by military actions which have only inflamed the situation. The TNI, frustrated by losses to armed separatists, has reportedly targeted civilians whom they claim are helping the insurgents and has engaged in fresh atrocities. The United States has pressed Jakarta to end the abuses and return to dialogue in order to promote a political solution.
Irian Jaya -----------
Several groups in Irian Jaya province are pursuing independence for what they term "West Papua." They argue that, despite UN brokering of the process, the people of the region never approved its incorporation into Indonesia and that the "Papuan" people have been systematically oppressed by the Indonesians. There is conflict between indigenous peoples and transmigrants from elsewhere in Indonesia. over the years, there have been regular reports of killings and rapes of indigenous people in Irian's central highlands and elsewhere in the province. Churches and the Indonesian human rights commission have documented these credible accounts of widespread human rights abuses by security authorities. Irian Jayan separatists -- who also have economic grievances based on low redistribution back to the province of profits from mining and exploitation of other local resources -- primarily press their case through non- violent means.
The U.S. has expressed concern about human rights abuses in Irian Jaya, and has urged the Habibie Administration to foster dialogue and negotiation. In February 1999, President Habibie participated in a meeting with lob representatives of local civic leaders and leading Indonesia political figures in accordance with a "terms of reference for dialogue" negotiated in September 1998. A second dialogue meeting, which was scheduled to be held in July, has yet to take place. Indonesian security authorities reportedly have harassed the civil society leaders from Irian Jaya who attended the February meeting. The GOI requires travel permits for journalists and researchers wishing to visit Irian Jaya, which has delayed investigation of reported human rights abuses.
Conclusion ----------
Indonesia has an historic opportunity to transform itself into a democratic country. In attempting to do so, it faces manifold and significant difficulties. Its tragic handling of East Timor, the failure of the Indonesian Government to make good on its commitments -- and its responsibility for the present diplomatic and humanitarian disaster -- will have far-reaching consequences, and most importantly, for Indonesia. The Government of Indonesia needs to right this wrong. If they can not do so themselves, as is already abundantly clear, they have a clear alternative: to let a multinational force assist.
Even if the East Timor situation can be put back on track, Indonesia's transformation will continue to be complicated. The United States hopes to remain fully engaged to help see Indonesia on a path to democracy, prosperity and stability. But the future is now in Indonesia's own hands.
Thank you, Chairman Bereuter, Chairman Thomas, and distinguished members of both Subcommittees, for allowing me to make such a lengthy statement. I look forward to your questions.
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