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塞缪尔ˇ冈珀斯
(SAMUEL GOMPERS)
工人要求什么?
What Does The Working Man Want?
我们要求完全实行八小时工作日制度。有人谴责我们自私ˇ说我们会得寸进尺提出更多的要求ˇ说我们去年日薪提高了十美分ˇˇ在又要求更多一些。我们确实要求更多一些。
塞缪尔ˇ冈珀斯(1850一1924)出生于伦敦ˇ1863年移居纽约ˇ在那儿他继承了父亲的职业ˇ当了卷烟工人。作爲卷烟行业工会的领导人ˇ他带领该工会退出了工业工会劳动骑士团ˇ建立了行业工会联盟ˇˇ美国劳工联合会。1886至1924年间ˇ仅其中一年除外ˇ冈珀斯一直担任美国劳工联合会的主席。这一时期公衆对工会怀有敌意ˇ怀疑工会激进ˇ他就在这种情况下领导劳工运动。在他的领导下ˇ美国劳工联合会避免了激进的政治纲领ˇ把精力集中在诸如工资和工作条件等所谓“面包与黄油”一类问题上。雇主们对劳动工会极其怨恨ˇ并寻求立法机构的禁制
令ˇ企图达到破坏罢工、破坏工人联合抵制的目的。爲了摆脱雇主们试图强加给劳工的激进形ˇˇ爲了说明工人所要求的也是其它人所要求的ˇˇ更好的生活、合理的工资、良好的工作条件及自我提高的时间ˇ冈珀斯不懈地进行斗争。本文系冈珀斯于1890年5月1日在肯塔基州的路易斯维尔爲建立八小时工作制度进行活动时发表的演讲。
……朋友们ˇ我们今天在这里集会ˇ爲实行八小时工作日制度的要求ˇ群啊Ｔ诠冢ˇ庖灰ˇ笠汛偈孤芬姿刮ˇ托掳露湍岢汕ˇ贤虻墓と嗣巧辖钟涡校ˇだˇ酥ゼ痈绲墓と艘慌忠慌匦卸ˇ鹄矗ˇし⒘伺υ脊ば嚼投ˇ缶娜瘸溃ˇ⑹顾且馐兜秸飧ˇ侍獾闹匾ˇ浴Ｔ诠噬希ˇ庖灰ˇ蠊奈枇擞ˇˇˇ肌ˇ鹿ˇüˇ獯罄⑽ˇ嘌篮桶拇罄堑睦投ˇ撸ˇ遣还耸澜缟ˇˇ凭ˇˇ慕睿ˇ荚ˇ890年5月1日ˇ全世界的工人将举行罢工ˇ声援美国工人的斗争ˇ要求实行八小时工作日制度ˇ让工人有八小时睡眠、八小时自由支配的时间。[掌声]
有人一再指责说ˇ要是我们有更多的闲暇时间ˇ我们只会狂饮暴食ˇ养成恶习ˇ也就是说ˇ我们会喝得烂醉。我ˇ用下面的话来回敬这种指责ˇ一般来说ˇ社会上喝醉酒的人有两种ˇ一种是钱太多游手好闲的人ˇ另一种是失业无活可干的人ˇ后一种人表面上看起来醉了。[笑声]我认爲在我们的社会中ˇ最清醒的是这一阶层的人ˇ他们能够靠一天合理的劳动时数争取合理的工资而又不过份劳累。每天劳动了十二、十四甚至十六小时的人需要一些人爲的刺激来使他们的身体从一天的疲劳中得到恢复。[掌声]……
我们应该能够在更高的水平上来讨论这个问题ˇ我很高兴地说ˇ我们所从事的运动将促使我们朝这一方ˇ前进。他们对我们说无法实行八小时工作日制度ˇ原因是这将妨碍工商业的发展。我认爲我国在工商业方面的历史所表明的事实恰恰与此ˇ反ˇ这个问题不是经济问题而是社会问题ˇ我们应该把它作爲社会问题来讨论。要是他们把这个问题说成是经济问题ˇ我愿意和他们辩论ˇ如果这运动意味着使工商业停滞不前ˇ我愿意回顾我爲推动这一运动的发展所采取的每一个步骤。可是ˇ事情不是这样ˇ八小时工作日运动将使工商业更加繁荣ˇ使民族更加进步ˇ使人民更加先进、聪明、高尚……”
他们说他们担负不了减少工作时数所造成的损失。事情真是这样吗?让我们稍稍ˇ一ˇˇ假如减少工作时数会导致工商业的衰退ˇ那么很自然地可以由此得出结论ˇ增加工作时数能促进工商业的繁荣。假如事情确实如此ˇ那么在文明的排行榜上ˇ英国和美国应该是最后一名……
在日工作时数爲八、九或十小时的英国和美国ˇ雇主和工人们工作效率更高ˇ更富有成果ˇ这难道不是事实吗?难道我们没有发ˇ他们的産品售价更低吗?我们用不着让ˇ代的说教家来告诉我们这些事情。在所有劳动时间长的工业中ˇ人们会发ˇ那里工人的发明创造力发挥得最差。哪里的劳动时间长ˇ哪里的劳动力就便宜ˇ哪里的劳动力价廉ˇ哪里就不存在发明创造的必要性。我们怎能期望一个人在每天劳动十、十二或十四小时之后还有精力发明机器或发ˇ新规律或动力?他要是有幸拿起报纸阅读、也许连两三行都看不完就要睡着了。[笑声]
当劳动时数减少时ˇ比如说每天减少一小时ˇˇ一ˇ这意味着什么。如果让原来每天工作十小时的人把日工作时数减少到九小时ˇ或者让原来每天工作九小时的人把日工作时数减少到八小时ˇ这意味着什
么呢?这意味着无数绝好的时刻与机会让人们思考。有的人也许会说ˇ你们会去睡大觉。好吧ˇ有的人也许一天能睡十六个小时ˇ一般的人可以试试看ˇ他会发ˇ无法长期这样做ˇ他总得做些事情。晚上ˇ他也许会去看看戏ˇ听听音乐会ˇ但是他也无法每天晚上都这样做。他也许会对某一方面的研究産生兴趣ˇ那里他就会把减少体力劳动的时间花在脑力劳动上ˇ他一小时脑力劳动所创造的财富将大大超过他十二个小时体力劳动所创造的财富。[掌声]
在日工作时间较短的制度下ˇ人们不仅有机会自我提高ˇ而且有可能爲他们的雇主带来更大的成功ˇ我认爲这是千真万确的。朋友们ˇ……西班牙、印度、俄国、意大利的情形又是如何呢?放眼看看世界ˇ观察一下迫使大自然爲人类生産必需品的工业ˇ你们将会发ˇˇ哪里的工作时间最短ˇ哪里的机器发明创造就发展得最快ˇ人民的生活就最富裕。雇用廉价劳力是发展的最大阻碍ˇ哪里的劳力便宜ˇ哪里的发展就迟缓。正是由于我们伟大的劳工联合会的影ˇˇ我们富有理智的会员们才能够往前ˇ往高处继续前进ˇ我们的进步与改革运动正爲世人所密切关注。
日工作时间长的人ˇ除了维持最低的生活水平以便能继续劳动外没有别的需求。他睡觉梦见干活ˇ早上起床去上班ˇ带着节俭的午餐去干活ˇ回到家又躺在那勉强拼起的床上稍稍休息ˇ以便能再去上班干活。他只不过是一台名副其实的机器ˇ他活着是爲了干活ˇ而不是干活爲了生活。[热烈的掌声]
朋友们ˇ除了生活必需品外ˇ劳动人民需要的唯一的东西是时间。我们的生命随着时间开始亦随之结束。我们需要用于陶冶自身情操的时间ˇ需要用于使我们的家庭充满欢乐的时间。时间把我们从最低级的原始社会带到最先进的文明社会ˇ我们需要时间来把我们推ˇ更高级的社会。
朋友们ˇ你们将会发ˇ这一事实ˇ已查明ˇ我们有一百多万的兄弟姐妹ˇˇ身强力壮的男女ˇˇ流落在街头、大路和偏僻的ˇ村小路旁ˇ他们愿意工作却找不到活干。大家知道ˇ我们政府的理论是我们可以随心所欲地决定要就业或要辞职ˇ这只是理论而已ˇ不是事实。我们确实可以辞职ˇ如果我们要这么做ˇ可是ˇ只要还有一百万失业的男女流落在街头寻找工作ˇ我就不认爲我们ˇ就业就可以找到工作。可以随意就业或辞职的说法是骗局、圈套ˇ是个弥天大谎。
我们要考虑的有ˇ第一ˇ使我们的职业更有保障ˇ第二ˇ使工资更加固定ˇ第三ˇ爲穷人们提供就业的机会。劳动者一直被当作生産物品的机器……而在劳动这一ˇˇ后面还有人的灵魂、真正的目的和抱负。你们不能ˇ政治经济学家和大学教授那样把劳动说成是可以买卖的商品。我们是继承了我们伟大先辈的传统的美国公民ˇ我们的先辈爲了事业牺牲了除荣誉之外的一切东西。我们的敌人希望看到劳工运动夭折ˇ到寒冷的阴
间去见阎王爷ˇ他们希望在天气稍微暖和一些时看到这。[笑声]可是ˇ我要对大家说ˇ劳工运动已经扎下根不走了。[热烈的掌声]ˇ《麦克白》中班柯的鬼魂一样ˇ劳工运动永不ˇ逝。[掌声]劳工运动是既成的事实ˇ它由于人们的需要而産生ˇ虽然有些人希望它失败ˇ可是它依然在人们心中牢牢地扎下了根。我们将继续努力直至取得胜利。
我们要求完全实行八小时工作日制度。有人谴责我们自私ˇ说我们会得寸进尺提出更多的要求ˇ说我们去年日薪提高了十美分ˇˇ在又要求更多ˇ些。我们确实要求更多一些。人的欲望通常是无止境的。去问问流浪汉要些什么ˇ假如他不要饮料ˇ他会要一顿丰盛的饭菜ˇ问一天挣两美元的工人要什么ˇ他会要求把日薪提高十美分ˇ要是问一天挣五美元的人ˇ他会要求每天增加十五美分ˇ要是问年薪爲五千美元的人ˇ他会要求将年薪增加到六千美元ˇ而拥有八十万或九十万美元的人会ˇ再要十万美元凑成一百万ˇ而百万富翁还ˇ拥有每一样能弄到手的东西ˇ然后提高嗓门ˇ反对ˇ每天多挣十美分的穷光蛋。我们生活在财富成百倍地增长的电力和蒸汽的时代ˇ我们认爲这些财富是劳动者的聪明才智和辛勤劳动的结晶ˇ而当我们感到生産比以往更容易时ˇ却发ˇ生活越来越艰难。我们确实要求更多ˇ而且当我们得到更多后ˇ我们还要进一步要求更多。[掌声]在我们得到我们应得的劳动成果之前ˇ我们决不会停止要求更多一些……
. . . My
friends, we have met here today to celebrate the idea that has prompted
thousands of working-people of Louisville and New Albany to parade the streets
of [our city] that prompts the toilers of Chicago to turn out by their fifty or
hundred thousand of men; that prompts the vast army of wage-workers in New York
to demonstrate their enthusiasm and appreciation of the importance of this idea;
that prompts the toilers of England, Ireland, Germany, France, Italy, Spain, and
Austria to defy the manifestos of the autocrats of the world and say that on May
the first, 1890, the wage-workers of the world will lay down their tools in
sympathy with the wage-workers of America, to establish a principle of
limitations of hours of labor to eight hours for sleep [applause], eight hours
for work, and eight hours for what we will.
[Applause. ]
It has
been charged time and again that were we to have more hours of leisure we would
merely devote it to debauchery, to the cultivation of vicious habitsˇin
other words, that we would get drunk. I desire to say this in answer to that
charge: As a rule, there are two classes in society who get drunk. One is the
class who has no work to do in consequence of too much money; the other class,
who also has no work to do, because it can't get any, and gets drunk on its
face. [Laughter.] I maintain that that class in our social life that exhibits
the greatest degree of sobriety is that class who are able, by a fair number of
hours of day's work to earn fair wagesˇnot
overworked. The man who works twelve, fourteen, and sixteen hours a day requires
some artificial stimulant to restore the life ground out of him in the drudgery
of the day. [Applause.]...
We ought
to be able to discuss this question on a higher ground, and I am pleased to say
that the movement in which we are engaged will stimulate us to it. They tell us
that the eight hour movement can not be enforced, for the reason that it must
check industrial and commercial progress. I say that the history of this
country, in its industrial and commercial relations, shows the reverse. I say
that is the plane on which this question ought to be discussedˇthat
is the social question. As long as they make this question an economic one, I am
willing to discuss it with them. I would retrace every step I have taken to
advance this movement did it mean industrial and commercial stagnation. But it
does not mean that. It means greater prosperity; it means a greater degree of
progress for the whole people; it means more advancement and intelligence, and a
nobler race of people. . . .
They say
they can't afford it. Is that true? Let us see for one moment. If a reduction in
the hours of labor causes industrial and commercial ruination, it would
naturally follow increased hours of labor -would increase the prosperity,
commercial and industrial. If that -were true, England and America ought to be
at the tail end, and
China
at the head of civilization. [Applause. ]
Is it not
a fact that we find laborers in England and the United States, where the hours
are eight, nine and ten hours a dayˇdo
we not find that the employers and laborers are more successful? Don't -we find
them selling articles cheaper? We do not need to trust the modern moralist to
tell us those things. In all industries where the hours of labor are long, there
you will find the least development of the power of invention. Where the hours
of labor are long, men are cheap, and where men are cheap there is no necessity
for invention. How can you expect a man to work ten or twelve or fourteen hours
at his calling and then devote any time to the invention of a machine or
discovery of a new principle or force? If he be so fortunate as to be able to
read a paper he will fall asleep before he has read through the second or third
line. [Laughter.]
Why, when
you reduce the hours of labor, say an hour a day, just think what it means.
Suppose men who work ten hours a day had the time lessened to nine, or men who
work nine hours a day have it reduced to eight hours; what does it mean? It
means millions of golden hours and opportunities for thought. Some men might say
you will go to sleep. Well, some men might sleep sixteen hours a day; the
ordinary man might try that, but he would soon find he could not do it long. He
would have to do something. He would probably go to the theater one night, to a
concert another night, but he could not do that every night. He would probably
become interested in some study and the hours that have been taken from manual
labor are devoted to mental labor, and the mental labor of one hour will produce
for him more wealth than the physical labor of a dozen hours. [Applause.]
I
maintain that this is a true propositionˇthat
men under the short-hour system not only have opportunity to improve themselves,
but to make a greater degree of prosperity for their employers. Why, my friends,
how is it in China, how is it in Spain, how is it in India and Russia, how is it
in Italy? Cast your eye throughout the universe and observe the industry that
forces nature to yield up its fruits to man's necessities, and you will find
that where the hours of labor are the shortest the progress of invention in
machinery and the prosperity of the people are the greatest. It is the greatest
impediment to progress to hire men cheaply. Wherever men are cheap, there you
find the least degree of progress. It has only been under the great influence of
our great republic, where our people have exhibited their great senses, that we
can move forward, upward and onward, and are watched with interest in our
movements of progress and reform....
The man
who works the long hours has no necessities except the barest to keep body and
soul together, so he can work. He goes to sleep and dreams of work; he rises in
the morning to go to work; he takes his frugal lunch to work; he comes home
again to throw himself down on a miserable apology for a bed so that he can get
that little rest that he may be able to go to work again. He is nothing but a
veritable machine. He lives to work instead of working to live. [Loud applause.
]
My
friends, the only thing the working people need besides the necessities of life,
is time. Time. Time with which our lives begin; time with which our lives close;
time to cultivate the better nature within us; time to brighten our homes. Time,
which brings us from the lowest condition up to the highest civilization; time,
so that we can raise men to a higher plane.
My
friends, you will find that it has been ascertained that there is more than a
million of our brothers and sistersˇable-bodied
men and womenˇon
the streets, and on the highways and byways of our country willing to work but
who cannot find it. You know that it is the theory of our government that we can
work or cease to work at will. It is only a theory. You know that it is only a
theory and not a fact. It is true that we can cease to work when we want to, but
I deny that we can work when we will, so long as there are a million idle men
and women tramping the streets of our cities, searching for work. The theory
that we can work or cease to work when we will is a delusion and a snare. It is
a lie.
What we
want to consider is, first, to make our employment more secure, and, secondly,
to make wages more permanent, and, thirdly, to give these poor people a chance
to work. The laborer has been regarded as a mere producing machine . . . but
back of labor is the soul of man and honesty of purpose and aspiration. Now you
can not, as the political economists and college professors, say that labor is a
commodity to be bought and sold. I say we are American citizens with the
heritage of all the great men who have stood before us; men who have sacrificed
all in the cause except honor. Our enemies would like to see this movement
thrust into hades, they would like to see it in a warmer climate [laughter], but
I say to you that this labor movement has come to stay. [Loud applause.] Like
Banquo's ghost, it will not down. [Applause.] I say the labor movement is a
fixed fact. It has grown out of the necessities of the people, and, although
some may desire to see it fail, still the labor movement will be found to have a
strong lodgment in the hearts of the people, and we will go on until success has
been achieved.
We want
eight hours and nothing less. We have been accused of being selfish, and it has
been said that we will want more; that last year we got an advance of ten cents
and now we want more. We do want more. You will find that a man generally wants
more. Go and ask a tramp what he wants, and if he doesn't want a drink he will
want a good, square meal. You ask a workingman, who is getting two dollars a
day, and he will say that he wants ten cents more. Ask a man who gets five
dollars a day and he will want fifty cents more. The man who receives five
thousand dollars a year wants six thousand dollars a year, and the man who owns
eight or nine hundred thousand dollars will want a hundred thousand dollars more
to make it a million, while the man who has his millions will want every thing
he can lay his hands on and then raise his voice against the poor devil who
wants ten cents more a day. We live in the latter part of the Nineteenth
century. In the age of electricity and steam that has produced wealth a hundred
fold, we insist that it has been brought about by the intelligence and energy of
the workingmen, and while we find that it is now easier to produce it is harder
to live. We do want more, and when it becomes more, we shall still want more.
[Applause.] And we shall never cease to demand more until we have received the
results of our labor. ...
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