约翰ˇ亚当斯
(JOHN ADAMS)

自由和知识
Liberty and Knowledge

(American Memory Collection, Library of Congress)

让我们大胆地去读ˇ去ˇˇ去说ˇ去写……让知识的每一道闸门都打开ˇ让知识的源泉畅流。

约翰ˇ亚当斯(1735一1862)生于马萨诸塞ˇ毕业于哈佛学院ˇ学过法律ˇ教过初级中学ˇ并获得了律师资格。1765年亚当斯在《波士顿公报》上发表文章抨击《印花税法》ˇ自此他便积极参与殖民地的政治。这些文章以《论宗教法规》和《封建法律》爲题发表在一起。以下便是这些文章的摘要。

尽管亚当斯批评英国的政策ˇ但他还是爲那些被控在1770年波士顿大屠杀中杀死五个殖民地居民的英国士兵辩护ˇ结果指挥官和几个士兵都被宣判无罪。他这样心甘情愿地站在令人讨厌的一边辩护并没有妨碍他的政治生涯。1774年ˇ他当上第一次大陆议会的代表。他也是由托马斯ˇ杰斐逊组成的《独立宣言》起草委员会的成员。亚当斯是美国第一任副总统ˇ后来又当选爲总统(1797ˇ1801)。1800年竞选总统时被托马斯ˇ杰斐逊击败。他和杰斐逊都是在美国独立五十周年纪念日ˇˇ1826年7月4日去世的。

 ……凡是人民普遍有一般知识和觉察能力的地方ˇ专制统治和各种压迫就会ˇ应地减弱和ˇ失。人类肯定有高尚的灵魂ˇ而且在人性中也有同样的原则ˇ即建立在博爱基础上并爲知识所珍视的崇高原则ˇ我是说对权力的贪恋常常是造成奴役的原因ˇ而任何时候只要有自由存在ˇ这种贪恋也是要求自由的原因。如果正是这个原则一直在激发着世上的王公贵族使用各种欺骗和暴力手段摆脱对他们权力的所有ˇ制ˇ那麽同样也是这个原则一直在激励着百姓去追求独立ˇ争取将大人物的权力ˇ制在公正和理智的范围内。

穷人的确远不如大人物成功。他们难得有机会去组成联合并发挥他们的力量。由于没有文化知识ˇ他们难以形成和支持一个固定的反对派。不过大人物们已经知道这是人类的秉性。于是在各个时代ˇ他们都极力阻止那些被他们称爲群氓的百姓得到有关他们的权利以及侵犯他们的权利的知识ˇ并且剥夺了他们维护自己的权利、矫正侵犯他们的权利的行爲的权力。我所说的权利ˇ无疑是指在世上任何政府成立之前他们就有的权利ˇ是人类法律无法废除或ˇ制的权利ˇ是宇宙伟大立法者所赋予的权利……

如果人民没有一般的知识ˇ自由就难以得到维护。人民有天赋获得知识的权利ˇ因爲无所不能的伟大造物者已经赋予他们理解能力和求知的欲望。但是ˇ除了这种权利之外ˇ他们还有一个权利ˇ一个无可争议、不可让与、无法废除的神圣权利去获取最令人畏惧和ˇ慕的那种知识ˇ我指的是了解他们统治者的品质和德行。对于人民来说统治者只不过和律师、代理人和董事一样。如果他们的事业、利益、和信任被阴ˇ地背叛了ˇ或者被不负责任地虚耗了ˇ那麽人民就有权利取ˇ他们自己所授予的权威ˇ并任命更能干、更好的代理人、律师和董事。在最底层人民中保留获取知识的手段对公衆来说比保留全国所有富人的财産更重要。这对富人本身以及他们的后裔甚至更重要。唯一的问题是这是否要由公衆出钱ˇ如果是ˇ那麽富人无疑应当按与其它公衆负担同样的比例出钱ˇ也就是说ˇ按他们财富的比例出钱ˇ况且这些财富的安全是用公共费用来保护的。但是没有一种获取ˇ息的手段比新闻报导更神圣、更爲北美居民所珍视的。人们已经采取措施鼓励印刷技术的发展ˇ使任何人都能很容易、很便宜、很安全地把他的思ˇ与公衆交流……

让我们大胆地去读ˇ去ˇˇ去说ˇ去写。唤起各阶层人民的注意ˇ激发他们下定决心ˇ让他们都去注意教会的和世俗的统治基础和原则。让我们研究自然法规ˇ探求英国ˇ法的精神ˇ阅读古代历史ˇ思考希腊和罗马的伟大史例ˇ对照我们英国祖先的品行。我们的祖先已经爲我们保卫了人类的固有权利ˇ即反对国内外暴君和篡权者ˇ反对专制国王和残酷的神父ˇ总之ˇ反对人间和地狱之门的权利。让我们阅读、回顾、铭记我们自己更直系的祖先在离开他们土生土长的国家ˇ来到这凄凉的荒野时的意图和目的。让我们审查那种把他们赶出家ˇ的权力的性质和那种压迫的残酷性。让我们回顾他们令人惊叹的不屈不挠精神ˇ回顾他们所遭的苦难ˇˇ食不果腹ˇ衣不蔽体ˇ寒冷不堪ˇ而这些他们都坚忍地承受了。让我们回顾他们在野兽和野蛮人带来的危ˇ之中ˇ在他们有时间ˇ或有金钱或物质去经商之前ˇ清理场地ˇ建造房子ˇ种植粮食ˇ饲养牲畜的艰苦劳动。让我们回顾那些一直支撑着他们默默忍受所有艰难困苦的世俗的和宗教的原则、希望和期待。让我们回顾一下ˇ正是自由ˇ正是爲他们自己、爲我们和我们的后代争取自由的希望征服了所有的挫折、危ˇ和考验。让我们在这几个部门里的人都进行这样的研究ˇ尤其是法律、知识和宗教的合适保护人和支持者应该进行这样的研究ˇ

让我们的讲坛回荡着宗教自由的主张和意见。让我们听到由于无知、极端贫困和依赖ˇ总之ˇ由于政府和政治的奴役使我们的良知处于受奴役状态的危ˇ。让我们看清我们面前人类真实面目的轮廓。让我们听到人性的尊严ˇ听到在上帝造物中人类所处的崇高地位。让我们听到人们说同意受奴役就是亵渎神的信任ˇ在上帝看来这就ˇ损害我们自己的荣誉、利益和幸福一样使他生气。让我们听到人们说万能的上帝已经从天上赋予人类自由、和平和亲善ˇ

让法庭宣布那些从远古时代传下的“法律、权利、权力的宽大策略”。让法庭告诉世人我们的祖先爲捍卫自由所作的有力斗争和无数牺牲。让人们知道他们原来的权利、他们原来契约上的条件是和帝王的特权平等的ˇ而且是和政府同时并存的。让人们知道我们的许多权利是固有的而且必不可少ˇ早在国会存在之前人们就同意以这些权利爲金科玉律并把它们确定爲预先必备的权利。让他们从人性的构成ˇ从知识和道德世界的组成方面去探求英国法律和统治的基础。这样我们就会看到真理、自由、正义和博爱是其永久的基础ˇ如果这些可以被拿掉ˇ那麽上层建筑当然就会被推翻。

让各个团体的和声都加在一起组成一个共同的快乐音乐会。让每一篇演讲都来谈自由和道德之美ˇ都来谈奴役和邪恶之丑陋、卑鄙和恶毒。让公衆的争论都变成探究统治的依据、性质和目的ˇ以及保留善铲除恶的手段。让我们把有关权利的主张以及对自由的感觉通过对话和正或演说铭刻在温和的思ˇ里ˇ并ˇ远近各处传播。

一句话ˇ让知识的每一道闸门都打开ˇ让知识的源泉畅流。

Liberty and Knowledge

Wherever a general knowledge and sensibility have prevailed among the people, arbitrary government and every kind of oppression have lessened and disappeared in proportion. Man has certainly an exalted soul; and the same principle in human nature--that aspiring, noble principle founded in benevolence, and cherished by knowledge; I mean the love of power, which has been so often the cause of slavery--has, whenever freedom has existed, been the cause of freedom. If it is this principle that has always prompted the princes and nobles of the earth by every species of fraud and violence to shake off all the limitations of their power, it is the same that has always stimulated the common people to aspire at independency, and to endeavor at confining the power of the great within the limits of equity and reason

    The poor people, it is true, have been much less successful than the great. They have seldom found either leisure or opportunity to form a union and exert their strength; ignorant as they were of arts and letters, they have seldom been able to frame and support a regular opposition. This, however, has been known by the great to be the temper of mankind; and they have accordingly labored, in all ages, to wrest from the populace, as they are contemptuously called, the knowledge of their rights and wrongs, and the power to assert the former or redress the latter. I say RIGHTS, for such they have, undoubtedly, antecedent to all earthly government- rights that cannot be repealed or restrained by human laws--rights derived from the great Legislator of the universe. . . .

     Liberty cannot be preserved without a general knowledge among the people, who have a right, from the frame of their nature, to knowledge, as their great Creator, who does nothing in vain, has given them understandings, and a desire to know; but besides this, they have a right, an indisputable, unalienable, indefeasible, divine right to that most dreaded and envied kind of knowledge; I mean, of the characters and conduct of their rulers. Rulers are no more than attorneys, agents, and trustees, for the people; and if the cause, the interest and trust, is insidiously betrayed, or wantonly trifled away, the people have a right to revoke the authority that they themselves have deputed, and to constitute abler and better agents, attorneys, and trustees and the preservation of the means of knowledge among the lowest ranks is of more importance to the public than all the property of all the rich men the country. It is even of more consequence to the rich themselves, and to their posterity. The only question is whether it is a public emolument: and if it is, the rich ought undoubtedly to contribute, in the same proportion as to all other public burdens--that is, in proportion to their wealth, which is secured by public expenses. But none of the means of information are more sacred, or have been cherished with more tenderness and care by the settlers of America, than the press. Care has been taken that the art of printing should be encouraged, and that it should be easy and cheap and safe for any person to communicate his thoughts to the public....

    Let us dare to read, think, speak, and write. Let every order and degree among the people rouse their attention and animate their resolution. Let them all become attentive to the grounds and principles of government, ecclesiastical and civil. Let us study the law of nature; search into the spirit of the British Constitution; read the histories of ancient ages; contemplate the great examples of Greece and Rome; set before us the conduct of our own British ancestors, who have defended for us the inherent rights of mankind against foreign and domestic tyrants and usurpers, against arbitrary kings and cruel priests; in short, against the gates of earth and hell. Let us read and recollect and impress upon our souls the views and ends of our own more immediate forefathers in exchanging their native country for a dreary, inhospitable wilderness. Let us examine into the nature of that power, and the cruelty of that oppression, which drove them from their homes. Recollect their amazing fortitude, their bitter sufferings--the hunger, the nakedness, the cold, which they patiently endured--the severe labors of clearing their grounds, building their houses, raising their provisions, amidst dangers from wild beasts and savage men, before they had time or money or materials for commerce. Recollect the civil and religious principles and hopes and expectations which constantly supported and carried them through all hardships with patience and resignation. Let us recollect it was liberty, the hope of liberty for themselves and us and ours, which conquered all the discouragements, dangers, and trials. In such researches as these let us all in our several departments cheerfully engage--but especially the proper patrons and supporters of law, learning, and religion!

     Let the pulpit resound with the doctrines and sentiments of religious liberty. Let us hear the danger of thraldom to our consciences from ignorance, extreme poverty, and dependence; in short, from civil and political slavery. Let us see delineated before us the true map of man. Let us hear the dignity of his nature, and the  noble rank he holds among the works of God--that consenting to slavery is a sacrilegious breach of trust, as offensive in the sight of God as it is derogatory from our own honor or interest or happiness--and that God Almighty has promulgated from heaven liberty, peace, and goodwill to man!

    Let the bar proclaim "the laws, the rights, the generous plan of power" delivered down from remote antiquity--inform the world of the mighty struggles and numberless sacrifices made by our ancestors in defense of freedom. Let it be known that original rights, conditions of original contracts, [are] coequal with prerogative and coeval with government; that many of our rights are inherent and essential, agreed on as maxims and established as preliminaries, even before a parliament existed. Let them search for the foundations of British laws and government in the frame of human nature, in the constitution of the intellectual and moral world. There let us see that truth, liberty, justice, and benevolence are its everlasting basis; and if these could be removed, the superstructure is overthrown of course.

    Let the colleges join their harmony in the same delightful concert. Let every declamation turn upon the beauty of liberty and virtue, and the deformity, turpitude, and malignity of slavery and vice. Let the public disputations become researches into the grounds and nature and ends of government, and the means of preserving the good and demolishing the evil. Let the dialogues, and all the exercises, become the instruments of impressing on the tender mind, and of spreading and distributing far and wide, the ideas of right and the sensations of freedom.

    In a word, let every sluice of knowledge be opened and set a-flowing.