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丹尼尔ˇ韦伯斯特
(DANIEL WEBSTER)
反对州废除联邦法令的做法
Against Nullification
自由和联邦是永存的ˇ是不可分裂的整体。
丹尼尔。韦伯斯特(1782ˇ1852)是作为他那个时代第一流的演说家而闻名的。作为代表马萨诸塞州的参议员ˇ他于1803年与南卡罗来纳的参议员罗伯特ˇYˇ海恩辩论关税问题。海恩代表反对关税法案的南方各州说话ˇ他引用副总统约翰ˇCˇ卡尔洪关于州对联邦的法令拒绝执行的理论ˇ根据这个理论一个州可以“废除”它认为不符合ˇ法的联邦法律ˇ如果必要ˇ宁可退出联邦也不接受就该州利益来说无法忍受的条件。韦伯斯特在他的反驳词中捍卫了联邦政府的权威ˇ批评了州权利的观念。以下摘录的(摘自一百多页的即席演说)是韦伯斯特回答海恩的演说的最后部分。
……如果人们在国家ˇ法中ˇ不论是根据原来的条款或是后来的解释ˇ有什为不应当写入的条款ˇ人民知道如何把它废除掉。如果确立了某种使他们无法接受的解释ˇ以致实际上成为ˇ法的一部分ˇ他们是会独立自主地来修正它的。但是ˇ当人民决定保持它的ˇ状时ˇ当人民对它感到满意ˇ并拒绝改变它时ˇ谁曾给予ˇ或者谁能给予州议会通过干预、解释或其它办法来改变它的权利ˇ先生们似乎不记得人民有为他们自己做任何事情的权力。他们以为除了在州议会的密切保护下就再没有安全可言了。先生ˇ在总的ˇ法方面ˇ人民并没有把他们的安全委托给这些州议会。他们已要求了其它的保障ˇ接受了其它的保证人。他们决定首先应该信赖ˇ法上明明白白的词语ˇ他们信赖这样的解释ˇ即政府本身在有疑问的情况下ˇ应当发挥其本身的权力ˇ根据他们就职时所发的誓ˇ服从他们宣过誓要负的责任ˇ就ˇ一个州的人民赋予他们州的政府同样的权力一样。其次ˇ他们信赖经常选举的效力ˇ只要他们有理由ˇ就可以用他们自己的力量将他们自己的仆人和代理人撤掉。第三ˇ他们信赖司法的权力ˇ为了使之值得信赖ˇ他们已经使司法权成为既可实行又受人尊重、公正无私、独立自主的权力。第四ˇ任何时候ˇ当经验指出ˇ法中的缺点和不完善之处时ˇ在必要情况下ˇ或利害攸关时ˇ他们会依靠他们所知道的并认为是有效的权力和平而平静地去改变或修正ˇ法ˇ如果他们认为这样做是合适的话。最后ˇ美国人民从来没有在任何时候ˇ以任何方式ˇ直接或间接地授权州议会来分析或解释他们政府的最重要文件ˇ更没有授权他们用他们自己的权力去干预和妨碍ˇ法的正常实施。
先生ˇ如果人民在这些方面采取了其它的做法ˇ而不是ˇ他们已经做的这样ˇ那么ˇ他们的ˇ法既不可能得到保存ˇ也不会是值得保存的。如果ˇ在不顾ˇ法中明文规定的条款ˇ而添进这些新的主张ˇ那么ˇ法就会变成其早期的或更近代的敌人所可能期望的那样软弱无能的东西。它只能作为一个依赖各州许可的可怜虫在各州存在。它必须借人家许可而存在ˇ并且存在的时间不会长于各州凭他们高兴或由他们随意决定是否适合恩准并延长其苟延残喘的时间。
但是ˇ先生ˇ尽管存在着忧患ˇ可也存在着希望ˇ人民已经将这个ˇ法ˇ这个他们自己选择的ˇ法保存了四十年ˇ他们已经看到他们的幸福、繁荣和名声随着它的发展而增长ˇ随着它的加强而加强。总的来说ˇ他们ˇ在都强烈地依附于ˇ法。如果我们和那些将要在这里接我们班的人ˇ作为人民的代理人和代表ˇ能自觉地、警惕地完成公众委托给我们的两个伟大任务、即忠实地保护ˇ法ˇ明智地执行ˇ法ˇ那么ˇ用直接进攻就无法推翻它ˇ要回避它、破坏它、废除它ˇ也将是不可能的……
先生ˇ我还没允许我自己朝联邦以外去看ˇ看看在后面的黑暗深处可能隐藏着什么。我还没有冷静地估量过在把我们联合在一起的那些契约被撕碎之后ˇ保护自由的机会有多少。我还不习惯于挂在分裂的悬崖ˇ去看看是否可以用我短浅的目光量出底下的深渊有多深ˇ我也不可能把那种思ˇ里考虑的主要不是联邦应该如何得到最好的保护ˇ而是在联邦被分裂和摧毁时ˇ人民可能容忍到什么程度的人当作政府事务的可靠顾问。只要联邦继续存在ˇ我们就能在我们自己和孩子们面前展ˇ出美好高尚、激动人心、令人满意的前景。除了这种前景ˇ我不ˇ刺破这层薄纱去看看别的什么。上帝恩准至少在我有生之年不要让那块帘升起ˇ上帝恩准那隐藏在背后的东西永远不要让我看见ˇ当我的眼睛转过来最后看一眼天上的太阳时ˇ但愿我不要看到它照耀在曾是一个光荣联邦的破裂而且可耻的碎片上ˇ照耀在彼此伤害、矛盾不和、互ˇ交战的各州的土地上ˇ照耀在一片为人们的仇恨所撕碎的土地上ˇ或是一片浸染着兄弟同胞之血的土地上ˇ让他们最后微弱而依恋的目光看到共和国光辉的旗帜ˇ这面旗ˇ在闻名全球ˇ受人尊重ˇ它仍然高高升起ˇ它的每一条条纹和每一颗星仍然以原来的光彩飘扬着ˇ没有一根条纹被抹去或污染ˇ没有一颗星失去光泽ˇ为了它的信条ˇ它无法容忍ˇ“这到底有何价值”这样可耻的疑问句ˇ也不能容忍ˇ“先自由ˇ后联邦”这样欺世和愚蠢的话。当星星和条纹飘过大海ˇ越过大陆时ˇ当它们在整个天底下每一阵风里飘扬的时候ˇ那些充满生命光辉的星星ˇ在宽阔的褶皱里闪烁着ˇ把另一种情感传遍世界的每一个地方ˇ这就是每一个真正的美国人都十分珍惜的情感ˇˇ自由ˇ联邦是永存的ˇ是不可分裂的整体ˇ
Against Nullification
……If anything
be found in the national constitution, either by original provision or
subsequent interpretation, which ought not to be in it, the people know how to
get rid of it. If any construction be established unacceptable to them, so as to
become practically a part of the constitution, they will amend it, at their own
sovereign pleasure. But while the people choose to maintain it as it is, while
they are satisfied with it, and refuse to change it, who has given, or who can
give, to the state legislatures a right to alter it, either by interference,
construction, or otherwise? Gentlemen do not seem to recollect that the people
have any power to do anything for themselves. They imagine there is no safety
for them, any longer than they are under the close guardianship of the state
legislatures. Sir, the people have not trusted their safety, in regard to the
general constitution, to these hands. They have required other security,
and taken other bonds. They have chosen to trust themselves, first, to the plain
words of the instrument, and to such construction as the government itself, in
doubtful cases, should put on its own powers, and under their oaths of
office, and subject to their responsibility to them; just as the people of a
state trust their own state government with a similar power. Secondly, they have
reposed their trust in the efficacy of frequent elections, and in their own
power to remove their own servants and agents whenever they see cause. Thirdly,
they have reposed trust in the judicial power, which, in order that it might be
trustworthy, they have made as respectable, as disinterested, and as
independent as was practicable. Fourthly, they have seen fit to rely, in case of
necessity, or high expediency, on their known and admitted power to alter or
amend the constitution, peaceably and quietly, whenever experience shall point
out defects or imperfections. And, finally, the people of the United States have
at no time, in no way, directly or indirectly, authorized any state legislature
to construe or interpret their high instrument of government; much less, to
interfere, by their own power, to arrest its course and operation.
If, sir,
the people in these respects had done otherwise than they have done, their
constitution could neither have been preserved, nor would it have been worth
preserving. And if its plain provisions shall now be disregarded, and these new
doctrines interpolated in it, it will become as feeble and helpless a being as
its enemies, whether early or more recent, could possibly desire. It will exist
in every state but as a poor dependent on state permission. It must borrow leave
to be; and will be, no longer than state pleasure, or state discretion, sees fit
to grant the indulgence, and prolong its poor existence.
But, sir,
although there are fears, there are hopes also. The people have preserved
this, their own chosen constitution, for forty years, and have seen their
happiness, prosperity, and renown grow with its growth, and strengthen with its
strength. They are now, generally, strongly attached to it. Overthrown by
direct assault, it cannot be; evaded, undermined, NULLIFIED, it will not be, if
we, and those who shall succeed us here, as agents and representatives of the
people, shall conscientiously and vigilantly discharge the two great branches of
our public trust, faithfully to preserve, and wisely to administer it. . . .
I have
not allowed myself, sir, to look beyond the Union, to see what might lie hidden
in the dark recess behind. I have not coolly weighed the chances of preserving
liberty when the bonds that unite us together shall be broken asunder. I have
not accustomed myself to hang over the precipice of disunion, to see
whether, with my short sight, I can fathom the depth of the abyss below; nor
could I regard him as a safe counselor in the affairs of this government, whose
thoughts should be mainly bent on considering, not how the Union should be best
preserved, but how tolerable might be the condition of the people when it shall
be broken up and destroyed. While the Union lasts, we have high, exciting,
gratifying prospects spread out before us, for us and our children. Beyond that
I seek not to penetrate the vail. God grant that in my day, at least, that
curtain may not rise! God grant that on my vision never may be opened what lies
behind! When my eyes shall be turned to behold for the last time the sun in
heaven, may I not see him shining on the broken and dishonored fragments of a
once glorious Union; on states dissevered, discordant, belligerent; on a land
rent with civil feuds, or drenched, it may be, in fraternal blood! Let
their last feeble and lingering glance rather behold the gorgeous ensign of the
republic, now known and honored throughout the earth, still full high advanced,
its arms and trophies streaming in their original luster, not a stripe erased
or polluted, nor a single star obscured, bearing for its motto, no such
miserable interrogatory as "What is all this worth?" nor those other words of
delusion and folly, "Liberty first and Union afterwards;" but everywhere, spread
all over in characters of living light, blazing on all its ample folds, as they
float over the sea and over the land, and in every wind under the whole heavens,
that other sentiment, dear to every true American heart--Liberty and Union, now
and forever, one and inseparable!
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