喬’‧華盛’
(GEORGE WASHINGTON)’’’說
Farewell Address
(American Memory Collection, Library of Congress)
’
我們’’’國’務’最重’原’’’’’’它們’’商務關’’’儘’避’’它們’生’’’繫’
喬’‧華盛’(1732’1799)’領導革’’’’勝’並’’’成’’’憲’議之’’’’異議’’選爲’國’’第’任’統’’’強接’第’任’’’任期’’’’絕’任第’任’’’個還’由國’’’襲酋’’’暴’們統’’’’裏’華盛領’’’棄’’’讓給民選’’’’’’’’’國’民’實驗有’’個’’’’端’
’1796’9月17日’’’內閣’’’’’’’說中’華盛’提’’’’’’’’反對’方’’’’’’’’反對’’’’之’’’’’’’教’’’’爲“’類’福之重’支’”’並’’’立“普及’識’機’”’’’’’’國’’’中立關’’’對’捲’國’’端’警’’’’稱爲’“華盛’’偉’’’”’’’第’次’’’戰爲止’’條“偉’’’”’’’’國’交’策’’旨’
我們重’選舉’’公民’’’’國’’’’’’’’爲期不遠’’實際’’’’’’’’必須’用你們’’’’考’’’重任’’給誰’’候’’’’’我覺’我應當’’’’’’尤’’’爲’樣做’’’’公衆’見’’’’’’’那’’我’’’’心’謝絕把我’爲候選’’’
’’’統’’’’結成’個民族’’’’爲你們’’視’’’’應’’’’爲它’支撐你們真正’立’’’支’’’’’證你們國內’’’國’’平’’’’’’’及你們’’惜’’由’基石’’而’不難’見’’有’’’’試圖’’你們心裏對’個真’’’’’’’’’’’不’’’源’異’’均煞’’心’’方百’’産生’用’’’’’’’’’爲統’’你們’’堡’中’’個攻擊重’’內’敵’’炮’’’不’’緊(雖’’’隱蔽’’陰’’)攻擊’’’’當’最重’’’你們應當正’估’民族團結對’你們集體’個’’福’巨’價值’對’它你們應當’有誠摯’’’’’’堅’不移’’誠’你們’’’’’言談中應習’’把它當’’’’’’’’’’’’’你們’’心’’’維’它’’’有’提’’種’’’’種情’’’’拋棄’即’那’’’’’’不應當’示支援’’’有’’圖’我國’’部分脫離’’部分’’’’’’’’繫’部份’’’’’’’’’們’提’’’你們’應當予’’斥’
你們有對’給予’情’關’’’切’由’既’你們’’生’’化而成爲’’國’’公民’’個國’’有’集中你們’情’’’國’’個稱號’屬’你們’’有國民身份’’’’個稱號’’’提高你們’國’’’’’遠勝’任’’方’’稱號’你們之間除’極細’’’’之’’還有’’’’教’禮議’習’’’’原’’你們曾爲’’個’’’目標而奮鬥’並’’獲’勝’’你們’擁有’’立’’由’’’你們’策’’’’甘’’’’難’成’’’
’研’那’’’’亂我們’邦’種種原’’’’’’’’件’’’重關切’’’即’種種’由’黨’’有’’’’’’’’’’方’’’方’’’部’’’部’’’’圖’樣做’’’’’圖’借’’成’種’’’’’’爲’方之間真’’’著’’’’’’’異’’個黨’’’’’’區獲’’’而採’’’’手’之’’’’’曲’’’區’’’’目標’’種’曲引’’妒忌’不滿’’防不勝防’’’那’本應親’’’’’變’互不’’’’’
爲’’你們’’邦有’’’’’’’’個’’’體’’’’不’少’’’’區結成’’盟’不論怎樣’’’都不’’分’’’樣’’’’’’’盟必’’’歷’’今’’有’盟都曾’歷’’’’’中’盟’’’’’由’’白’’個重’’真’’’’你們’最’嘗試’基礎’’’改善’’’’’部勝’’’’’’憲’’’期’切’’並’有’’管’’’’’’’務’’個’’’我們’’選擇’’不曾’’’’’不曾’’’’’’’’’’研’’’’熟’而’立’’它’原’’它’’’分’’完’’由’’它把’’’’’結’’’’’而’本身’’有’正’’身’’’’’樣’個’’有’分’’由’’’’你們’’任’支援’’重它’’’’’’它’’’’遵’它’’’’’’都’真正’由’基本準’’’成’’務’我們’’’’’基礎’’民有’’’’變’’’’’憲’’’’憲’’’’民採’’’’正式’’動’’’改之’’任’’都對之’有’’’’’’務’’民有’’’’’’’立’’’’’’’’’’’’有’務’’’’立’’’爲’提’’’..
’’’你們’’’’’永’維’你們’’’’福’你們不僅應當不’’反對那’不’’生’反對公’’’’’’爲’而’對那種’’’’’原’’風’’即’’藉’’’有’’’應謹慎’予’’’’’們’攻’方’之’’’’’採’改變憲’’’式’’’’’種體’’’’’’而把不’’接推翻’’’’’中’’’’’’你們’’’邀參’’’有變革中’應當’’’’’’’’’真正’質’像’’’’’類機’’’質’樣’’少需’’間’習’’應當’’’’檢驗’國’’’體’真正趨勢’’驗’最’靠’標準’應當’’’僅憑假’’’見’輕’變’’’’’假’’’見之’’變化而’’’’’變’’還’’’’’’’我們’樣遼闊’國’裏’’’有’’管’’’’’’’’’’個’滿’’並’’分’障’由’’’’必不’少’’’
我’’’’你們’’個國’裏’’著’’之’’’’’並’’提’’’區’’’分黨立’’’’’’’讓我’’’面’角’’’最’重’’’’’你們’面警惕’’’’’’’’不’’’’’種’’’我們’本’’不’分割’’並紮’’’類’’裏最強’’欲望之中’它’’種不’’’式’’’’有’’機’裏’儘管’少’’抑’’控’’’’’’那’’見’’’’式’’’’最’’厭’’’而’’實’’’最’’’敵’’
它’’’’公衆’議並’’公衆’’’管’’’’它’’區裏煽’’’’據’’忌’莫須有’驚’’’撥’’’另’’對立’有’還鼓’騷亂’暴動’它還爲’國’’’’’打’方’之’’’之’輕’’’’’’’渠’’’’’’中’’’樣’’個國’’’策’’志’’’’’另’國’’’策’’志’’
’導’’’’盛’’種’’’習’中’’教’’’’必不’少’支’’那種’竭’’’’類’福’偉’支’’’’類’公民職’’最堅強支’’’’’’卻’’’’’’’國’必’’’’心機’’粹’’’’應當’’誠’’’樣’’重並’惜’教’’’’它們’個’’’公衆’’福之間’關’’即’’’本’’說不完’我們’須簡單’問’’’’’’教’任’不’’’’’藉’調查’件’’言中’那麽那裡談’’’産’’’’生’’’’呢?我們還應當’’’’不’’’幻’’’爲’’’’不靠’教維’’儘管高尚’教’對’’’結’’心’’’有’’’’’’據’智’’驗’不’’我們期望’排除’教原’’情’’’國民’’仍’普’’’’
說’’’’個民’’’’’’’必需’原動’’’話實質’’’不錯’’條準’’’’’少’’用’’’種類’’’由’’’’’’由’’’’實’友’對’足’動’它組織基礎’’圖’誰’熟視’’呢?’’’’’應當把’’’’普及’識’機’’爲’個重’’目標’’’組織給輿論’’’’輿論’應’應’’’’’有見’’’’很重’’’
我們應當’惜’’’’’’’爲’’’’’’’’重’源’’’’’’’辦’之’’儘’少動用它’並維’’平’避’’’’支’’’’’’’爲’防’’未’而及’撥款’’’’’避’支’’’’款項’’’弭禍’我們’樣’’避’債’高’’爲’’不僅’減少’支’而’’’平’期’儘’’’還不’避’’戰’’’’’債務’不’’嗇摳’’把我們’’應’’’’擔’給’’’’
’個’由民族應當’’警覺’提防’國勢’’陰謀詭’(’’們’我懇’你們’’我)’’爲歷’’’驗證’’’國勢’’’’’’’最’’’敵’之’’不’’種提防’’’做’有’’’必須不偏不倚’’’它’成爲我們’’’脫’勢’’’’’而不’’’那種勢’’’’’’’偏’’’國’’’偏’另’國’都’’’’’種’’’國’’’’’方面’’’’而掩’’’’’另’方面’’’詭’’當我們’偏’’那個國’’’’’’’們’蔽’’’’用’民’’賞’’任’而把’民’’’’手’讓’’那’’’’該國詭’’’國志’’反而極’成爲’疑’憎’’對’’
我們’’’國’務’最重’原’’’’’’它們’’商務關’’’儘’避’’它們’生’’’繫’我們’’’條’’必須’實’’’’’’爲限’不’’’’
歐’有’’基本’’’’’’’對’我們’’’極少關’’歐’’’’生’執’’原’基本’’我們’不’’’’’’’’我們捲’歐’’務’’’們’’’興’’爲’’繫’’’’’’’們友’而結成’盟’’’’們敵對而’生衝’’都’不’智’’
我國’’’方’遠離它國’’種’’’’允’並’’我們’’’條不’’路’’’’我們’’個稱職’’’領導’’’’團結’’’那麽’’不’’’’’我們’’’不怕’’’’’’成’’質’’’我們’’’’’’種’’’’我們’任’’候’心’’中立’’都’’’它國’’正’重’’戰國’不’’我們’裏獲’’’’’’不敢輕’’’’我們’舋’我們’’’正’’’引’’’照’’’’’’’’平’戰’問’’’’’’’抉擇’
我們爲什麽’摒棄’種’’環境’’’’’條件呢?我們爲什麽’’棄’’’立場而’’’國’立場’’呢?爲什麽’把我們’’’’歐’任’’部分’’’交織’’’’’’我們’’平’’’陷’歐’’野心’’’’’’關’’’’’’’’反覆’’’羅網之中呢?
雖’’檢’本’任期內’做’’’’’我未’覺有’’’錯’’’我很’白我’’’’並不’爲我’有犯’錯’’不管’’錯’’什麽’我懇切’’’’’’除’減輕’’錯’’’’産生’’’’我’’’著’種’望’’我’國’永遠’’’’錯’’我’’正’’熱忱’’身’勞國’’’’’五載’我’望’爲’’薄’而犯’’失’’’著我不’’’’’’’而湮’’’’
對’’件’’’’’’’樣’均須仰賴’國’仁’’由’’’強’’’國之情’’’’’’’種’情對’’個視’國爲’’及歷’’’’’’’’’說’’很’’’’’’我’著’’’期’心情’’望’我切’實’’’休之’’’’我’’’們’快’分’’由’’’’完善’’’溫’’’’’我’’’心’’’目標’並’我’’’’’’我們’互關’’’’’’’’場蹈’’’’報’’
The period
for a new election of a citizen to administer the executive government of the
United States being not far distant, and the time actually arrived when your
thoughts must be employed in designating the person who is to be clothed with
that important trust, it appears to me proper, especially as it may conduce to a
more distinct expression of the public voice, that I should now apprise you of
the resolution I have formed to decline being considered among the number of
those out of whom a choice is to be made. . . .
The unity
of government which constitutes you one people is also now dear to you. It is
justly so, for it is a main pillar in the edifice of your real independence, the
support of your tranquillity at home, your peace abroad, of your safety, of your
prosperity, of that very liberty which you so highly prize. But as it is easy to
foresee that from different causes and from different quarters much pains "will
be taken, many artifices employed, to weaken in your minds the conviction of
this truth, as this is the point in your political fortress against which the
batteries of internal and external enemies will be most constantly and actively
(though often covertly and insidiously) directed, it is of infinite moment that
you should properly estimate the immense value of your national union to your
collective and individual happiness; that you should cherish a cordial,
habitual, and immovable attachment to it; accustoming yourselves to think and
speak of it as of the palladium of your political safety and prosperity;
watching for its preservation with jealous anxiety; discountenancing whatever
may suggest even a suspicion that it can in any event be abandoned, and
indignantly frowning upon the first dawning of every attempt to alienate any
portion of our country from the rest or to enfeeble the sacred ties which now
link together the various parts.
For this
you have every inducement of sympathy and interest. Citizens by birth or choice
of a common country, that country has a right to concentrate your affections.
The name of American, which belongs to you in your national capacity, must
always exalt the just pride of patriotism more than any appellation derived from
local discriminations. With slight shades of difference, you have the same
religion, manners, habits, and political principles. You have in a common cause
fought and triumphed together. The independence and liberty you possess are the
work of joint councils and joint efforts, of common dangers, sufferings, and
successes. . . .
In
contemplating the causes which may disturb our union it occurs as matter of
serious concern that any ground should have been furnished for characterizing
parties by geographical discriminations--Northern and Southern,
Atlantic and Western--whence designing men may endeavor to excite a belief
that there is a real difference of local interests and views. One of the
expedients of party to acquire influence within particular districts is to
misrepresent the opinions and aims of other districts. You can not shield
yourselves too much against the jealousies and heartburnings which spring from
these misrepresentations; they tend to render alien to each other those who
ought to be bound together by fraternal affection. . . .
To the
efficacy and permanency of your union a government for the whole is
indispensable. No alliances, however strict, between the parts can be an
adequate substitute. They must inevitably experience the infractions and
interruptions which all alliances in all times have experienced. Sensible of
this momentous truth, you have improved upon your first essay by the adoption of
a Constitution of government better calculated than your former for an intimate
union and for the efficacious management of your common concerns. This
government, the offspring of our own choice, uninfluenced and unawed, adopted
upon full investigation and mature deliberation, completely free in its
principles, in the distribution of its powers, uniting security with energy, and
containing within itself a provision for its own amendment, has a just claim to
your confidence and your support. Respect for its authority, compliance with its
laws, acquiescence in its measures, are duties enjoined by the fundamental
maxims of true liberty. The basis of our political systems is the right of the
people to make and to alter their constitutions of government. But the
constitution which at any time exists till changed by an explicit and authentic
act of the whole people is sacredly obligatory upon all. The very idea of the
power and the right of the people to establish government presupposes the duty
of every individual to obey the established government. ...
Toward
the preservation of your government and the permanency of your present happy
state, it is requisite not only that you steadily discountenance irregular
oppositions to its acknowledged authority, but also that you resist with care
the spirit of innovation upon its principles, however specious the pretexts. One
method of assault may be to effect in the forms of the Constitution alterations
which will impair the energy of the system, and thus to undermine what can not
be directly overthrown. In all the changes to which you may be invited remember
that time and habit are at least as necessary to fix the true character of
governments as of other human institutions; that experience is the surest
standard by which to test the real tendency of the existing constitution of a
country; that facility in changes upon the credit of mere hypothesis and opinion
exposes to perpetual change, from the endless variety of hypothesis and opinion;
and remember especially that for the efficient management of your common
interests in a country so extensive as ours a government of as much vigor as is
consistent with the perfect security of liberty is indispensable. . . .
I have
already intimated to you the danger of parties in the state, with particular
reference to the founding of them on geographical discriminations. Let me now
take a more comprehensive view, and warn you in the most solemn manner against
the baneful effects of the spirit of party generally.
This
spirit, unfortunately, is inseparable from our nature, having its root in the
strongest passions of the human mind. It exists under different shapes in all
governments, more or less stifled, controlled, or repressed; but in those of the
popular form it is seen in its greatest rankness and is truly their worst enemy.
. . .
It serves
always to distract the public councils and enfeeble the public administration.
It agitates the community with illfounded jealousies and false alarms; kindles
the animosity of one part against another; foments occasionally riot and
insurrection. It opens the door to foreign influence and corruption, which find
a facilitated access to the government itself through the channels of party
passion. Thus the policy and the will of one country are subjected to the policy
and will of another. . . .
Of all
the dispositions and habits which lead to political prosperity, religion and
morality are indispensable supports. In vain would that man claim the tribute
of patriotism who should labor to subvert these great pillars of human
happiness--these firmest props of the duties of men and citizens. The mere
politician, equally with the pious man, ought to respect and to cherish them. A
volume could not trace all their connections with private and public felicity.
Let it simply be asked, Where is the security for property, for reputation, for
life, if the sense of religious obligation desert the oaths which are the
instruments of investigation in courts of justice? And let us with caution
indulge the supposition that morality can be maintained without religion.
Whatever may be conceded to the influence of refined education on minds of
peculiar structure, reason and experience both forbid us to expect that national
morality can prevail in exclusion of religious principle.
It is
substantially true that virtue or morality is a necessary spring of popular
government. The rule indeed extends with more or less force to every species of
free government. Who that is a sincere friend to it can look with indifference
upon attempts to shake the foundation of the fabric? Promote, then, as an object
of primary importance, institutions for the general diffusion of knowledge. In
proportion as the structure of a government gives force to public opinion, it is
essential that public opinion should be enlightened.
As a very
important source of strength and security, cherish public credit. One method of
preserving it is to use it as sparingly as possible, avoiding occasions of
expense by cultivating peace, but remembering also that timely disbursements to
prepare for danger frequently prevent much greater disbursements to repel it;
avoiding likewise the accumulation of debt, not only by shunning occasions of
expense, but by vigorous exertions in time of peace to discharge the debts which
unavoidable wars have occasioned, not ungenerously throwing upon prosperity the
burthen which we ourselves ought to bear....
Against
the insidious wiles of foreign influence (I conjure you to believe me,
fellow-citizens) the jealousy of a free people ought to be constantly awake,
since history and experience prove that foreign influence is one of the most
baneful foes of republican government. But that jealousy, to be useful, must be
impartial, else it becomes the instrument of the very influence to be avoided,
instead of a defense against it. Excessive partiality for one foreign nation and
excessive dislike of another cause those whom that actuate to see danger only on
one side, and serve to veil and even second the arts of influence on the other.
Real patriots who may resist the intrigues of the favorite are liable to become
suspected and odious, while its tools and dupes usurp the applause and
confidence of the people to surrender their interests.
The great
rule of conduct for us in regard to foreign nations is, in extending our
commercial relations to have with them as little political connection as
possible. So far as we have already formed engagements let them be fulfilled
with perfect good faith. Here let us stop.
Europe
has a set of primary interests which to us have none or a very remote relation.
Hence she must be engaged in frequent controversies, the causes of which are
essentially foreign to our concerns. Hence, therefore, it must be unwise in us
to implicate ourselves to artificial ties in the ordinary vicissitudes of her
politics or the ordinary combinations and collisions of her friendships or
enmities.
Our
detached and distant situation invites and enables us to pursue a different
course. If we remain one people, under an efficient government, the period is
not far off when we may defy material injury from external annoyance; when we
may take such an attitude as will cause the neutrality we may at any time
resolve upon to be scrupulously respected; when belligerent nations, under the
impossibility of making acquisitions upon us, will not lightly hazard the giving
us provocation; when we may choose peace or war, as our interest, guided by
justice, shall counsel.
Why
forego the advantages of so peculiar a situation? Why quit our own to stand upon
foreign ground? Why, by interweaving our destiny with that of any part of
Europe, entangle our peace and prosperity in the toils of
European ambition, rivalship, interest, humor, or caprice? ...
Though in
reviewing the incidents of my administration I am unconscious of intentional
error, I am nevertheless too sensible of my defects not to think it probable
that I may have committed many errors. Whatever they may be, I fervently beseech
the Almighty to avert or mitigate the evils to which they may tend. I shall also
carry with me the hope that my country will never cease to view them with
indulgence, and that, after forty-five years of my life dedicated to its service
with an upright zeal, the faults of incompetent abilities will be consigned to
oblivion, as myself must soon be to the mansions of rest.
Relying
on its kindness in this as in other things, and actuated by that fervent love
toward it which is so natural to a man who views in it the native soil of
himself and his progenitors for several generations, I anticipate with pleasing
expectation that retreat in which I promise myself to realize without alloy the
sweet enjoyment of partaking in the midst of my fellow citizens the benign
influence of good laws under a free government--the ever favorite object of my
heart, and the happy reward, as I trust, of our mutual cares, labors, and
dangers.
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