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’翰’F’甘’’
(JOHN F.
KENNEDY)
’職’說
Inaugural Address
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不’問’’國’’爲’做’什麼’’問問’’’’爲’’國’做’什麼’
’翰’F’甘’’(1917－1963)生’麻塞諸塞’布’’’’’’讀’’’’學’第’次’’’戰中’’’’’’’’歷’太平’戰’’戰’甘’’’選’國’’’’衆議’’任’’議Ⅸ’1952’當選爲參議Ⅸ’1960’甘’’’勝副’統’’’’尼’’’當選爲’統’
’爲’統候選’’甘’’’’種朝’蓬’’’’’’’’們面’’’’選中’’諾“’’國’重’’動’”’民’黨’國’’’’接’民’黨’統候選’提’’講話中’甘’’說’“我們’’’個’邊疆’邊’’”’’’職’說’’’’選’動’’暫’’統任期’’它’1963’11月22日’’顆’殺’’’’’終結’’’’’重’’’’
我們今天不’’’’次’黨’勝’’而’爲’由’’’’’’它’’’個結’’’’’’個’端’’’示’’’亦’’轉變’’爲我’’照我們’’’’’’分之’’’’擬’’’言’’們’’’面’莊’’’’
當今’’’’’’不’’’’爲’’’’手中’握’’’足’’除’切’式’’類’’’’足’毀滅’切’式’’類生’’’’我們’’曾爲之戰鬥’革’’’’仍’’’’’’’’論之中’’’’’’’’’’’’’國’’’’’予’而’’’’賜’
我們今天不’忘’’我們’那第’次革’參’’’’裔’’’’’我’’我們’’友’敵’’’’’’’傳’’’’’國’手中’’’們’本’’’生’’歷’戰’錘煉’’’’’酷’’平’期’’’’爲’’’’老傳統’豪’’’們不’’’’不’’’’漸’褫奪’’國對’種’’’’’有’任’’今我們’’本國’’’’對’’擔’務’
應讓’’個國’’白’不論它’望我們走’’倒楣’我們’’’任’’價’’擔任’重’’’’任’’難’支援任’’友’反對任’敵’’’’’’由’’’’成’’
’’’我們’證做’’’’而’還不止’’’
對’那’’我們’有’’種文化’精’’源’老盟邦’我們’證’’摯友’’誠’倘’團結’我們’’’’’’’中’’’’不’’倘’分裂’我們’’難有’’爲’’爲’見分’’’’’’’我們’不敢應’’有’’’戰’
對’’’’’立國’’我們’’’言’’不讓’種’式’殖民統’’’’’’’’’’種殘酷’’’暴’’’’’我們’不’’’望’們支援我們’’’’’我們’’終’望’們堅’維’’’’’由’’而’應該’’’’’那’’蠢’’’’’’壯’勢’’’結’’’’’之中’
對’那’’’’’’個’’’棚’’’落裏正爲’’’衆’難’桎梏而奮鬥’’民’我們’證竭盡’’幫’’們’救’不論’需’’’’間－’不’’爲’產黨’’’正’
麼做’’不’’爲我們’’們投贊成票’而’’爲’’’正’’’動’’由’’’’不’幫’衆’’’’’’’不’’’少數’’’
對’我國邊’’’’’’’’’國’我們提’’種’’’’證’’把我們’善’’言論變成’動’’’’’’’’’盟中’幫’’由’民’’由國’’’’掙脫’’’鎖鏈’’’不’讓’種’滿’望’’平革’成爲敵對’國’’’’應讓我們’有’’國’’’我們’’’們’’反對’’’任’’區’生’略’’覆’’應讓’有’’國’’’’’’’’’做’’’域’’’’
對’’’國’’’’’國’’’’’議’’’個’戰’’’’’’遠遠快’’平’’’’’’’’我們最’最’’’’望’’之’’我們重申對它給予支援’’證’’止它變成僅’漫駡’講壇’’’它對’’’’’國’’’’’用’’’’它’憲章’’’’’’’領域’
最’’對’那’欲’我們爲敵’國’’我們提’’不’’證而’’’’雙方重’’’對’平’’’’’莫等’’學釋’’’邪’’’把整個’類’’’’謀’’偶’’’我毀滅之中’
我們’’不’’’’’誘’’們’’爲’有當我們擁有’’’疑’足夠’’’’’’’我們’’有’’’疑’把握永遠不’用’’’’’
’而’’’個’’’國’集團都不’對’’高忱’’’’雙方’對’’化’器’’支’’不勝’擔’都對’’’原’’’’’漸’散’’當’’’’驚’’’雙方都’圖改變那種’’任’’方’動’類最’’戰’不穩’’’’均勢’
’’讓我們重’’’’’雙方都’’禮貌’不’示’’’而誠’’’’都須驗證’我們’不該’’懼而談’’’我們’’不’’懼談’’
讓雙方’探’’’問’’’’我們’’’而不’’引’雙方對立’問’’’’精’’
讓雙方首次’’有關檢’’控’’器’’肅’’而’精’’’劃’’而’把足’毀滅’’國’’絕對’’’’’有國’’絕對控’’’
讓雙方’探’’學’奧’而不’’學’’’’’’讓我們’’探測’’’’’’’’’除’’’’’’’資源’’’藝’’’’’’’’
讓雙方’’’’’’’聽’’賽’’’示’’’“’’’重’’擔’’(’)讓’壓迫’獲’’由’”
’’’’’’’’’’’’’減少’測’’讓雙方攜手’’次’’’’’不’’’’’’’均衡’而’’立’個’’’’’’’’’’公正’’’’’’’平’’維’’
’有’’切不’’今’’百天內完成’’不’’今’’’天內完成’’’’’不’’我們’’’’’’生中完成’’讓我們’’’’
我’’’們’我們’方’’最終成敗’不僅’握’我’手中’’’握’’們手中’’’’個國’’立’’’’’’’國’都曾聽’’喚證’’們對國’’’誠’’應號’’’’’國’’’’墓’’’’’
’今號角’’’喚我們’不’號’我們’’’器’雖’我們需’’器’不’號’我們’戰’雖’我們’’’’’而’號’我們’’’場’期’’勝’難’’奮鬥重任’’’’’“’’望中’’’樂’’’難中堅韌不’”’’’’場反對’類’’敵’暴’’’’’’’’及戰’本身’鬥’’
我們’’’立’個把’’’’’’’’’偉’’’’’盟’反對’’敵’’’’’’類’有’爲豐實’生’’?
’’’’’投’’’有歷’’’’’’?
’’’漫’’歷’’’’有少數’’’’’由面’最’’’’’’’賦予’衛’由’任務’’’’’任面’我不’’’’我’’它’我’爲我們中間不’有’樂’’’’民族’’’’’交換’’’我們’給’’’’’精’’’’’’誠’照耀我們國’’’切爲它’’’’們’’’’’’’’’’’’正照’’’’’
’’’我’’國’’們’不’問’’國’’爲’做’什麽’’問問’’’’爲’’國’做’什麽’
’’’國’公民’友們’’們該問’不’’國’爲’們做’什麽’而’我們’’’爲’類’’由做’什麽’
最’’不論’’’國公民還’’’’國’公民’請’我們’’們提’’有關’’’’’犧’’’’高標準’’’我們’’’心’爲我們唯’’’’獎賞’’歷’’爲我們’爲’最’裁’’讓我們邁’’’’領導我們熱’’國’’我們’’’’’’’賜’’’’’我們’’’’’間’’’’’’’’’我們’’’’’’
’註’
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第’次革’’ ’’國’立戰’’
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’賽’’’’’’’’’’舊’’中’’’’’之’’
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We observe today not a victory of party but a celebration of freedom―symbolizing
an end as well as a beginning―signifying renewal as well as change. For I have
sworn before you and Almighty God the same solemn oath our forebears prescribed
nearly a century and three-quarters ago.
The world is very different now. For man holds in his mortal hands the power to
abolish all forms of human poverty and all forms of human life. And yet the same
revolutionary beliefs for which our forebears fought are still at issue around
the globe―the belief that the rights of man come not from the generosity of the
state but from the hand of God.
We dare not forget today that we are the heirs of that first revolution. Let the
word go forth from this time and place, to friend and foe alike, that the torch
has been passed to a new generation of Americans-born in this century, tempered
by war, disciplined by a hard and bitter peace, proud of our ancient
heritage―and unwilling to witness or permit the slow undoing of those human
rights to which this nation has always been committed, and to which we are
committed today at home and around the world.
Let every nation know, whether it wishes us well or ill, that we shall pay any
price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe to
assure the survival and the success of liberty.
This much we pledge―and more.
To those old allies whose cultural and spiritual origins we share, we pledge the
loyalty of faithful friends. United, there is little we cannot do in a host of
co-operative ventures. Divided, there is little we can do―for we dare not meet a
powerful challenge at odds and split asunder.
To those new states whom we welcome to the ranks of the free, we pledge our word
that one form of colonial control shall not have passed away merely to be
replaced by a far more iron tyranny. We shall not always expect to find them
supporting our view. But we shall always hope to find them strongly supporting
their own freedom―and to remember that, in the past, those who foolishly sought
power by riding the back of the tiger ended up inside.
To those people in the huts and villages of half the globe struggling to break
the bonds of mass misery, we pledge our best efforts to help them help
themselves, for whatever period is required―not because the Communists may be
doing it, not because we seek their votes, but because it is right, If a free
society cannot help the many who are poor, it cannot save the few who are rich.
To our sister republics south of the border, we offer a special pledge― to
convert our good
words into good deeds― in a new alliance for progress― to assist free men and free
governments in casting off the chains of poverty. But this peaceful revolution
of hope cannot become the prey of hostile powers. Let all our neighbors know
that we shall join with them to oppose aggression or subversion anywhere in the Americas. And let every other power know that this hemisphere intends to remain
the master of its own house.
To that world assembly of sovereign states, the United Nations, our last best
hope in an age where the instruments of war have far outpaced the instruments of
peace, we renew our pledge of support― to prevent it from becoming merely a forum
for invective― to strengthen its shield of the new and the weak― and to enlarge
the area in which its writ may run.
Finally, to those nations who would make themselves our adversary, we offer not
a pledge but a request: that both sides begin anew the quest for peace, before
the dark powers of destruction unleashed by science engulf all humanity in
planned or accidental self-destruction.
We dare not tempt them with weakness. For only when our arms are sufficient
beyond doubt can we be certain beyond doubt that they will never be employed.
But neither can two great and powerful groups of nations take comfort from our
present course― both sides overburdened by the cost of modern weapons, both
rightly alarmed by the steady spread of the deadly atom, yet both racing to
alter that uncertain balance of terror that stays the hand of mankind's final
war.
So let us begin anew― remembering on both sides that civility is not a sign of
weakness, and sincerity is always subject to proof. Let us never negotiate out
of fear. But let us never fear to
negotiate.
Let both sides explore what problems unite us instead of belaboring those
problems which divide us.
Let both sides, for the first time, formulate serious and precise proposals for
the inspection
and control of arms― and bring the absolute power to destroy other nations under
the absolute control of all nations.
Let both sides seek to invoke the wonders of science instead of its terrors.
Together let us explore the stars, conquer the deserts, eradicate disease, tap
the ocean depths, and encourage
the arts and commerce.
Let both sides unite to heed in all corners of the earth the command of
Isaiah― to "undo the heavy burdens . . . [and] let the oppressed go free."
And if a beachhead of co-operation may push back the jungle of suspicion, let
both sides join in creating a new endeavor, not a new balance of power, but a
new world of law, where the strong are just and the weak secure and the peace
preserved.
All this will not be finished in the first one hundred days. Nor will it be
finished in the first
one thousand days, nor in the life of this administration, nor even perhaps in
our lifetime on this
planet. But let us begin.
In your hands, my fellow citizens, more than mine, will rest the final success
or failure of our course. Since this country was founded, each generation of
Americans has been summoned to give testimony to its national loyalty. The graves
of young Americans who answered the call to service surround the globe.
Now the trumpet summons us again― not as a call to bear arms, though arms we
need,― not as a call to battle, though embattled we are― but a call to bear the
burden of a long twilight struggle, year in and year out, "rejoicing in hope,
patient in tribulation"― a struggle against the common enemies of man: tyranny,
poverty, disease, and war itself.
Can we forge against these enemies a grand and global alliance, North and South,
East and West, that can assure a more fruitful life for all mankind? Will you
join in that historic effort?
In the long history of the world, only a few generations have been granted the
role of defending freedom in its hour of maximum danger. I do not shrink from
this responsibility―I welcome it. I do not believe that any of us would exchange
places with any other people or any other generation. The energy, the faith, the
devotion which we bring to this endeavor will light our country and all who
serve it―and the glow from that fire can truly light the world.
And so, my fellow Americans: ask not what your country can do
for you―ask what
you can do for your country.
My fellow citizens of the world: ask not what America will do for you, but what
together we can do for the freedom of man.
Finally, whether you are citizens of America or citizens of the world, ask of us
here the same high standards of strength and sacrifice which we ask of you. With
a good conscience our only sure reward, with history the final judge of our
deeds, let us go forth to lead the land we love, asking His blessing and His
help, but knowing that here on earth God's work must truly be our own.
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