’’’’D’’森豪’爾
(DWIGHT D. EISENHOWER)

’’’說
Farewell Address

    我們必須警惕’’’’’’’’體’’’’證’爲正當’’’’’不論它’樣’’’’’

        ’’’’D’’森豪’爾(1890’1969)’’’第’次’’’戰中任盟’最高統’’’’’’任’’頗有’’’’國’統’’’’’’生’’’頂’’’森豪’爾生’’’薩斯’’丹尼森’’’’’個’’中排’第’’’’堪薩斯’’比’’’’’境’’’’’’勤勞’’’’教’1915’’森豪’爾畢’’’國’’學’’ 

        第’次’’’戰’’’’爲’’婦孺’’’’雄凱旋而’’’期擔任哥’比’’學’’’1952’當選’統’’’’’統任期內’民’黨’’’’’避種族問’’’論’’國內’’務中採’基本’’’’’’’立場’’’’厭’’用’’’’’’’’稱爲“’’”’’’’終’’公衆’’’

         l 961’1月l 7日’’’離’’統職’’’’森豪’爾’’’’說’’’講話中’’’’’個“’’’’’’’體”’’個“’學’技’精’階’”’’’’’國’’生’中引’’變化’正’’’’’’’’’蔑視由’備’賽’’戰’成’’’集中’情’’’’’’’批評’’’覺’’對’森豪’爾’’’方面’們’不’解’

 ’’’天’’我爲我國’務’個’’之’’’著’統’’’’傳統’隆重儀式’屬我’’任’’本’’’’公職’’’ 

    我們’’’日期’本’’中’’’’’’’個’’’歷’’國之間’次’’戰’’我們’’’國’捲’’中’次’儘管’生’’’’’模’戰禍’當今’國’’’’’最’’’最有’’’生産’最高’國’’我們’’爲’’’成’’’’豪’’我們’’識’’’國’領導’’’’’不僅’’’我們’’’雙’’質’’’’’’’’’’’而’’’’我們’’爲’’’平’’類福’’用我們’’’’

    ’’’國’’由’’體’’’探’歷’’我們’基本目’’終’維’’平’’’’類’’’’’民中’國’之間’’’由’’提高’’’宏揚正’’’質’’’較’’目標’’’’個’由’有’誠’教’仰’民族’任’由’驕傲’’’’解’不’’’’’’精’’失敗都’’國內’給我們’’’重’’’ 

    走’’’’高目標’’’’’’’’’正’捲’’’衝’’’’’’種衝’迫’我們’’’’’’’’’’我們面對’種敵對’’識’’’’’有’’’’模’’’論’質’目標殘忍’手’陰’’不’’’’它’’成’’’’’期’’’欲成’’對’它’’’’’’’說’’’關’’情’’暫’’’’毋寧說’’’犧’’’我們’堅’踏實’任勞任’’’擔’場’期複雜鬥’’重任’’’’由’’’’’有’樣我們’’戰勝’次’’次’’’’’終朝著’’’’’平’’類’’未’’方’’’’’’ 

    我們’’隊’維’’平必不’少’’’’我們’’裝’’必須’’’’’準備投’’動’’’任’潛’’’略’都不敢’’’’擊石’

    我們今天’’’組織’我’任’’’’平’期’任’’解’’’第’次’’’戰’朝’戰’中’’’’’解’’’組織’’’’’

    ’’最’’’次’’’衝’之’’’國仍’有’’’’’’國’’’’’商們’必’’’’’’’’’’’’我們不’’’’’’’’方式’擔國防’’風’’我們’’迫創’’個’模宏’’永’’’’’’’’’’350’’’’婦’’接’務’國防機’’我們’’’’’’’’’’支’’’’國’有’公’’’收’’

    ’支’’’’隊’’個’’模’’’’’結’’’’國’’’’’’’它’’部’’’’’濟’’’’’’’’精’’’’’’個’市’’’’議’’樓’’’’邦’’機’內都’’覺’’我們’’’種’’絕對必’’’我們不應’視’重’’’’’它’及我們’’’’資源’生’’’’我們’’’結’’

    ’’’’部’’我們必須警惕’’’’’’’體’’’’證’’正當’’’’’不論它’樣’’’’’極不’當’’’’’’’’’’’目’’’’’’’’續’’’

    我們’不’讓’’’’體’勢’’’我們’’由’民’’’’我們不應心’僥倖’’有警覺而’智’’國公民’’’迫’’’’’’’’’國防機’’我們’平’手’’目標’當’’’’’’’’’由’’齊’’’獲成’’

    ’’’’’技’革’’我們’’’’’’’’’巨’變化有’’之’’而’對’種巨’變化’’’’’用’ 

    ’’場技’革’中’’’’’’趨’集中’它’變’’正’’’複雜’’’’’爲’邦’’而實’’由’邦’’實’’’’’邦’’’導’實’’’’’’’’正’’’’’

    由’邦’’雇用而’成支’’國學’’局面’’及統’分’’’’統’控’’’’’種’景’’’’’而’應當引’’重關’’

    我們應該’重’學’’’探’’’’’’’我們必須對’’’樣’重’’面’’’’警惕’’’’’策本身’’’爲’個’學’’技’精’階’’’虜’

    ’國之’’任務’’’我們民’’’’原’’疇內’塑’’平衡’融’’’’’’’舊’’’’’終’實’我們’由’’’最高目標爲目’’

    ’’個’’平衡’’’’及’間’’’’’當我們’望’’’未’’’我們’’’’我’我國’’’’必須避’’種’’今日生’’衝動’不應爲’我們’’’舒’’’’巧’豪奪’天’’’資源’我們不’’’’’輩’’質’’’’’’而’不’’’們喪失’’’精’遺産’風’’我們’讓民’’’’傳’它不該成爲’天’’還債’鬼魂’ 

    ’望有’’’’未’歷’’’’’國’’我們’個’’’’’’’’不應變成’個’滿’懼’仇’’’’’’體’’反’它應成爲’個’互’任’’互’重’’輝’’盟’

    ’樣’個’盟必’’平等國’間’’盟’最’’’國’’’’’我們’’’’’心’’’議’’’’我們’樣’’我們’’’’’濟’’’’’’’’’那’議’雖’’’歷’坎’’累累傷痕’’我們不’’它’棄’換’戰場’’’’

    ’’互’’’’任實’裁’仍’’項迫切任務’我們必須’’學習’樣不用’’’而’’’智’公正’’圖’解’’’’’爲裁’’緊迫’’’’顯’’’我’’我’’著’種失望’心情’’我’’統職’’’’爲’個目’’戰’’’’及’難’癒’’創傷’’’’’’’’場戰’’徹’毀掉歷’數’’’’而’’’’’成’’類文’’’我’’’’今晚’說’’’’平’遙遙’望’

    ’’我’’說’’’避’’生戰’’’朝我們’終極目標’邁’堅實’’伐’’’任重而’遠’’爲’個普’公民’我’’終不渝’爲推動’’’著’條’路’’’’’’綿薄’’’

Three days from now, after half a century in the service of our country, I shall lay down the responsibilities of office as, in traditional and solemn ceremony, the authority of the Presidency is vested in my successor. . . .

   We now stand ten years past the midpoint of a century that has witnessed four major wars among great nations. Three of them involved our own country. Despite these holocausts America is today the strongest, the most influential and most productive nation in the world.

Understandably proud of this pre-eminence we yet realize that America's leadership and prestige depend, not merely upon our unmatched material progress, riches and military strength, but on how we use our power in the interests of world peace and human betterment.

    Throughout America's adventure in free government, our basic purposes have been to keep the peace; to foster progress in human achievement, and to enhance liberty, dignity and integrity among people and among nations. To strive for less would be unworthy of a free and religious people. Any failure traceable to arrogance, or our lack of comprehension or readiness to sacrifice would inflict upon us grievous hurt both at home and abroad.

    Progress toward these noble goals is persistently threatened by the conflict now engulfing the world. It commands our whole attention, absorbs our very beings. We face a hostile ideology―global in scope, atheistic in character, ruthless in purpose, and insidious in method. Unhappily the danger it poses promises to be of indefinite duration. To meet it successfully, there is called for, not so much the emotional and transitory sacrifices of crisis, but rather those which enable us to carry forward steadily, surely, and without complaint the burdens of a prolonged and complex struggle―with liberty the stake. Only thus shall we remain, despite every provocation, on our charted course toward permanent peace and human betterment. ...

    A vital element in keeping the peace is our military establishment. Our arms must be mighty, ready for instant action, so that no potential aggressor may be tempted to risk his own destruction.

    Our military organization today bears little relation to that known by any of my predecessors in peacetime, or indeed by the fighting men of World War II or Korea.

    Until the latest of our world conflicts, the United States had no armaments industry. American makers of plowshares could, with time and as required, make swords as well. But now we can no longer risk emergency improvisation of national defense; we have been compelled to create a permanent armaments industry of vast proportions. Added to this, three and a half million men and women are directly engaged in the defense establishment. We annually spend on military security more than the net income of all United States corporations.

    This conjunction of an immense military establishment and a large arms industry is new in the American experience. The total influence―  economic, political, even spiritual― is felt in every city, every statehouse, every office of the federal government. We recognize the imperative need for this development. Yet we must not fail to comprehend its grave implications. Our toil, resources, and livelihood are all involved; so is the very structure of our society.

    In the councils of government, we must guard against the acquisition of unwarranted influence, whether sought or unsought, by the military-industrial complex. The potential for the disastrous rise of misplaced power exists and will persist.

    We must never let the weight of this combination endanger our liberties or democratic processes. We should take nothing for granted. Only an alert and knowledgeable citizenry can compel the proper meshing of the huge industrial and military machinery of defense with our peaceful methods and goals, so that security and liberty may prosper together.

   Akin to, and largely responsible for the sweeping changes in our industrial-military posture, has been the technological revolution during recent decades.

    In this revolution, research has become central; it also becomes more formalized, complex, and costly. A steadily increasing share is conducted for, by, or at the direction of, the federal government....

    The prospect of domination of the nation's scholars by federal employment, project allocations, and the power of money is ever present ― and is gravely to be regarded.

   Yet, in holding scientific research and discovery in respect, as we should, we must also be alert to the equal and opposite danger that public policy could itself become the captive of a scientific-technological elite.

    It is the task of statesmanship to mold, to balance, and to integrate these and other forces, new and old, within the principles of our democratic system― ever aiming toward the supreme goals of our free society.

    Another factor in maintaining balance involves the element of time. As we peer into society's future, we― you and I, and our government― must avoid the impulse to live only for today, plundering, for our own ease and convenience, the precious resources of tomorrow. We cannot mortgage the material assets of our grandchildren without risking the loss also of their political and spiritual heritage. We want democracy to survive for all generations to come, not to become the insolvent phantom of tomorrow.

    Down the long lane of the history yet to be written America knows that this world of ours, ever growing smaller, must avoid becoming a community of dreadful fear and hate, and be, instead, a proud confederation of mutual trust and respect.

    Such a confederation must be one of equals. The weakest must come to the conference table with the same confidence as do we, protected as we are by our moral, economic, and military strength. That table, though scarred by many past frustrations, cannot be abandoned for the certain agony of the battlefield.

    Disarmament, with mutual honor and confidence, is a continuing imperative. Together we must learn how to compose differences, not with arms, but with intellect and decent purpose. Because this need is so sharp and apparent I confess that I lay down my official responsibilities in this field with a definite sense of disappointment. As one who has witnessed the horror and the lingering sadness of war― as one who knows that another war could utterly destroy this civilization which has been so slowly and painfully built over thousands of years― I wish I could say tonight that a lasting peace is in sight.

    Happily, I can say that war has been avoided. Steady progress toward our ultimate goal has been made. But, so much remains to be done. As a private citizen, I shall never cease to do what little I can to help the world advance along that road. . . .