瑪’’’’蔡斯’’’斯
(MARGARET CHASE SMITH)
’心’言
Declaration of Conscience
我不’’見’’黨’’’’’’’’’’’’’懼’’’’偏執’誹謗’贏’’’’’勝’’
1950’’斯’辛’’瑟夫’R’麥’錫參議Ⅸ’動’’場’’’部’中’除’產黨嫌疑分’’’伐’動’’把’’裝扮成’衛’國’’國內’敵’’’’’國’’批評’’’們’’’’據謠言’’’粗暴’’’們’職’’’’’’爲’個’’黨’’麥’錫不’’’’’’’’’“對’産’’’’”’該’’任’’國務’’Ⅸ’’國分’’’們“丟失”’“’棄”’’’國’讓’產黨’’’’’不’有五’’間’’’1950’2月麥’錫首次’稱國務’’滿’’覆分’’’1954’12月’’參議Ⅸ’’參議’’僚們’譴’’’整個國’捲’對
“麥’錫’’”’’’’論’
’’內’’’’’’參議Ⅸ’’控’倒’’’’’’’’’’’’’’黨參議Ⅸ’’’’布’’’’爾斯’托比’’’’’’喬’’D’’’’’勒’’’韋’’L’摩斯’’尼蘇’’’’’華’J’塞’’’’’歐文’M’’夫斯’’’’’’羅’’’C’’’里’遜’及’’’’瑪’’’’蔡斯’’’斯’’簽’’反對麥’錫策略’’心’言’參議Ⅸ’’斯(1897’
)’參議’中’唯’’’’’’’’’個’言’’1950’6月1日’參議’爲該’言’’’說’
議’’生’我’簡單’’’談談’’’國’’’’’’’’國’’’懼’’折’’’種’覺’’導’國’’’滅’’導’我們’國’’’視’’切走’’’末路’’’’種’’’原’’’我們’’’立’’’’機’’’’有成’’領導’領導’’’薄’’’’有’提’’’’’’’議’’’任’諮詢’Ⅸ’’提’’種’需’領導’
我盡’’言簡’賅’’爲不’’任’’言’’’’’’’’機’’’’’成太’’’’我盡’’言簡’賅’’爲問’太’重’’’’言善’’’’’’視聽’我’講話筒單’’’’望我’話’打動’心’
議’’生’我’爲’’’’黨’講話’我’爲’’婦’講話’我’爲’’’國參議Ⅸ講話’我’爲’個’國’講話’
’國參議’’期’’’’’最傑’’’重’’’機’贏’’’’’’’’最’’種’重’’’’質’’’降’’’
’仇’’中傷’’’講壇’’平’而’種攻’’’國’豁’’’’’’
’’’’’啼’’’’我們參議Ⅸ’參議’’論’’’’接’間接’用任’’’方式把’’個’國’不’稱’不’’應’’爲’動機’’
’’個不’參議Ⅸ’’國’’而那個’參議Ⅸ’國’’’’’我們爲’’’’’’賠’’失’’’倘’我們’參議’對我們’’’說’樣’話’’’’’止’’由’不符’’’’
’’’’’我們’’’’’’’用’言攻擊任’’’而’’’分’’’’我們’’’’參議’議Ⅸ’’’’’’’
’種類’批評’當’’’國參議’有足夠’’’’’’我批評’’我評價’當’’我們應該’夠接’我們“’’”給’’’’’’’類’’’’’擊’
我’爲’對’’國參議’及’成Ⅸ’說’早’’’該’麽做’’候’’反’’問’’’心’’’我反’’檢’’’我們對’國’民’’務’’’’’’我們’’’’’用’濫用’’個’’職’’’’’’
我’爲’我們早’該’’’’曾’’堅’’’衛憲’’我’爲’我們早該’’’正’憲’不僅提’言論’由’而’提’由陪’團’’’’而不’由控方’’’’’
不論’’’’’’’’’亦’’’參議’中對個’’質’攻’’’’毀’’個’’生’’’’有什麽實際’’’
我們’那’’’’’’’’’對’國方式’’’最’’’’’’那’’’’’言’蔑視’國方式’’基本原’’’’’’原’’’’
批評’’’’
’有不’’’’’’’’’’
抗議’’’’
’立’考’’’’
’’’’’’不應’任’’個’國公民喪失’’’生’’’’’任’’個’國公民’不應’爲’巧’識’個’不’’’’’’’’’面’喪失’’’’絕生路’’’’我們’個’’有’類’’’?
不’我們誰’不’稱’’’’魂屬’’’’不’’’控’’’’實’’
’國’民’’’說’’’’’’’’們’對手’’’’誹謗成’’斯分’’對’種’懼心’們’’憎’’厭煩’’’國’言論’由’今’’’不成樣’’它’’’’’’濫用’’’’’’不’’’該項’’’
’國’民眼’’’’’’’陷’有’之’’’化’對’’’憎’’厭煩’’’有不少’’證實’’’’譬’’麥’’’’’’斯’’’普隆’’戈爾’’’足’引’’國’圍’不’任’’’’’’疑’’們’那’’未證實’’’聽’’’控’’’’’分’實’
’爲’個’’黨’’我對坐’走’’’邊’我’’’們說’’’黨今天’面’’’戰不’’’’’’’它’面’’’戰’當’’’黨成’’’接’戰’’內戰中掘’’不僅’個’’’’支’’劃不’’’情鬥’’’黨’而’成爲’衛統’國’’鬥’’
今天’我們國’’心’’’’亂’’疑’’’分五裂’’種’’不’’’疑情緒’’國參議’産生’“’’’’’’疑’切”’’’’癌細’’’’’蔓’’今天’我們有’個熱’’’’’支’推’’劃不’’方’’民’黨’’’歷’正’重’
’’’’黨’次有機’成爲’衛統’’’’’儉’鬥’’
’任民’黨’’’歷’’爲我們提’’’足’’選’論問’’我們’有必’’’’’’誹謗’’正’爲民’黨’’’’’’’’’給予’有成’’領導’’國正迅’喪失’’’領’’’’’
民’黨’’日’’日’’’矛’’’重警’’樂’’’證’完’把’國’民’’塗’’’’’’民’’’我國’民’黨’’’’失方’’不’’措’
民’黨’’’’’’’’’’而’國內對’産’’’’’’動’’’’’重’’Ⅸ’’’機’
’’給’國而’’失’’’國’民’’任’我們有足夠’’’證實’’’說’’’’’不必用未’證實’’控’’我們’批評’
’疑’’’’完’有’由’’國’民’白’’變革’’候’’’’黨’勝對’國’’’’有必’’顯而’見’’’’個國’由’’’’任民’黨’’’管’那麽它’’續’’’
’而倘’’個’’黨’’’’’種’’’不正’’’’’不誠實’W學’那麽用’個’’’’民’黨’’對國’’樣’’難’’國極需’個’’黨’勝’’’’我不’’見’’黨’’’’’’’’’’’’’懼’’’’偏執’誹謗’贏’’’’’勝’’
我’疑’’黨’’’’’’麽做’’’爲我不’’’國’民’擁’任’’個’’’’’’’國’’’之’’’黨’當’’我們’’黨’’不’’爲贏’勝’而不’’切’’’’’’
我不’’’’’黨用’種方式’勝’那勝’對’’黨而言’’分’暫’而對’國’民而言’’’著’’’失敗’’疑’它’最終導’’’黨’’黨’’’滅’’而’黨’’障’我們’國’’由’’’’’’’黨’’’統’’
’爲少數’’黨’成Ⅸ’我們不’備’’我國’’’策’’’’’我們’實有’’’’任’提’’’’’批評’澄’問’’’’’’’’公民’’動減少’懼’
’爲’’婦’’我’’’母親們’’’們’’’們’’’們對’們’’’’參議’’論中’’’攻’有’’覺’’我’用“’論”’詞’’’’’熟’’’
’爲’’’國參議Ⅸ’我對參議’’用’公’講壇’散’不’’任’’’聽’’傳’’’’’’豪’對’走’’’側’’忌憚’’’未’證實’’控’我’’’’’豪’對走’’’’邊顯’’裝腔’勢’不莊重’’旨’報’’反’’我’’’’’豪’
對參議’’’用’’’中傷’場’’用’’犧’’’’’’國’統’換’’’’’’場’’我’’不’’對我們’參議’議Ⅸ’’誹謗’’’’’把我們’’藏’國’豁’’’’’’’面’穩坐參議’議Ⅸ’不’任’批評’我’’’’’豪’
’爲’個’國’’我’不’望’個民’黨’’’飾太平’’’掩掩’’不’望’個’’黨’誹謗’’’’’’迫’’
Mr.
President, I would like to speak briefly and simply about a serious national
condition. It is a national feeling of fear and frustration that could result in
national suicide and the end of everything that we Americans hold dear. It is a
condition that comes from the lack of effective leadership either in the
legislative branch or the executive branch of our Government. That leadership is
so lacking that serious and responsible proposals are being made that national
advisory commissions be appointed to provide such critically needed leadership.
I speak
as briefly as possible because too much harm has already been done with
irresponsible words of bitterness and selfish political opportunism. I speak as
simply as possible because the issue is too great to be obscured by eloquence. I
speak simply and briefly in the hope that my words will be taken to heart.
Mr.
President, I speak as a Republican. I speak as a woman. I speak as a United
States Senator. I speak as an American.
The
United States Senate has long enjoyed world-wide respect as the greatest
deliberative body in the world. But recently that deliberative character has too
often been debased to the level of a forum of hate and character assassination
sheltered by the shield of congressional immunity.
It is
ironical that we Senators can in debate in the Senate, directly or indirectly,
by any form of words, impute to any American who is not a Senator any conduct or
motive unworthy or unbecoming an American-and
without that non Senator American having any legal redress against us-yet
if we say the same thing in the Senate about our colleagues we can be stopped on
the grounds of being out of order.
It is
strange that we can verbally attack anyone else without restraint and with full
protection, and yet we hold ourselves above the same type of criticism here on
the Senate floor. Surely the United States Senate is big enough to take
self-criticism and self-appraisal. Surely we should be able to take the same
kind of character attacks that we "dish out" to outsiders.
I think
that it is high time for the United States Senate and its Members to do some
real soul searching and to weigh our consciences as to the manner in which we
are performing our duty to the people of America and the manner in which we are
using or abusing our individual powers and privileges.
I think
it is high time that we remembered that we have sworn to uphold and defend the
Constitution. I think it is high time that we remembered that the Constitution,
as amended, speaks not only of the freedom of speech but also of trial by jury
instead of trial by accusation.
Whether
it be a criminal prosecution in court or a character prosecution in the Senate,
there is little practical distinction when the life of a person has been ruined.
Those of
us who shout the loudest about Americanism in making character assassinations
are all too frequently those who, by our own words and acts, ignore some of the
basic principles of Americanism-
The right
to criticize.
The right
to hold unpopular beliefs.
The right
to protest.
The right
of independent thought.
The
exercise of these rights should not cost one single American citizen his
reputation or his right to a livelihood nor should he be in danger of losing his
reputation or livelihood merely because he happens to know someone who
holds unpopular beliefs. Who of us does not? Other wise none of us could call
our souls our own. Otherwise thought control would have set in.
The
American people are sick and tired of being afraid to speak their minds lest
they be politically smeared as Communists or Fascists by their opponents.
Freedom of speech is not what it used to be in America. It has been so abused
by some that it is not exercised by others.
The
American people are sick and tired of seeing innocent people smeared and guilty
people whitewashed. But there have been enough proved cases, such as the
Amerasia case, the Hiss case, the Coplon case, the Gold case, to cause
Nation-wide distrust and strong suspicion that there may be something to the
unproved, sensational accusations.
As a
Republican, I say to my colleagues on this side of the aisle that the Republican
Party faces a challenge today that is not unlike the challenge which it faced
back in Lincoln's day. The Republican Party so successfully met that challenge
that it emerged from the Civil War as the champion of a united nation―in
addition to being a party which unrelentingly fought loose spending and loose
programs.
Today our
country is being psychologically divided by the confusion and the suspicions
that are bred in the United States Senate to spread like cancerous tentacles of
"know nothing, suspect everything" attitudes. Today we have a Democratic
administration which has developed a mania for loose spending and loose
programs. History is repeating itself―and
the Republican Party again has the opportunity to emerge as the champion of
unity and prudence.
The
record of the present Democratic administration has provided us with sufficient
campaign issues without the necessity of resorting to political smears. America
is rapidly losing its position as leader of the world simply because the
Democratic administration has pitifully failed to provide effective leadership.
The
Democratic administration has completely confused the American people by its
daily contradictory grave warnings and optimistic assurances, which show the
people that our Democratic administration has no idea of where it is going.
The
Democratic administration has greatly lost the confidence of the American people
by its complacency to the threat of communism here at home and the leak of
vital secrets to Russia through key officials of the Democratic administration.
There are enough proved cases to make this point without diluting our criticism
with unproved charges.
Surely
these are sufficient reasons to make it clear to the American people that it is
time for a change and that a Republican victory is necessary to the security of
the country. Surely it is clear that this Nation will continue to suffer so long
as it is governed by the present ineffective Democratic administration.
Yet to
displace it with a Republican regime embracing a philosophy that lacks political
integrity or intellectual honesty would prove equally disastrous to the Nation.
The Nation sorely needs a Republican victory. But I do not want to see the
Republican Party ride to political victory on the Four Horsemen of Calumny―fear,
ignorance, bigotry, and smear.
I doubt
if the Republican Party could do so, simply because I do not believe the
American people will uphold any political party that puts political exploitation
above national interest. Surely we Republicans are not so desperate for victory.
I do not
want to see the Republican Party win that way. While it might be a fleeting
victory for the Republican Party, it would be a more lasting defeat for the
American people. Surely it would ultimately be suicide for the Republican Party
and the two-party system that has protected our American liberties from the
dictatorship of a one-party system.
As members
of the minority party, we do not have the primary authority to formulate the
policy of our Government. But we do have the responsibility of rendering
constructive criticism, of clarifying issues, of allaying fears by acting as
responsible citizens.
As a
woman, I wonder how the mothers, wives, sisters, and daughters feel about the
way in which members of their families have been politically mangled in Senate
debate―and
I use the word "debate" advisedly.
As a
United States Senator, I am not proud of the way in which the Senate has been
made a publicity platform for irresponsible sensationalism. I am not proud of
the reckless abandon in which unproved charges have been hurled from this side
of the aisle. I am not proud of the obviously staged, undignified countercharges
which have been attempted in retaliation from the other side of the aisle.
I do not
like the way the Senate has been made a rendezvous for vilification, for selfish
political gain at the sacrifice of individual reputations and national unity. I
am not proud of the way we smear outsiders from the floor of the Senate and hide
behind the cloak of congressional immunity and still place ourselves beyond
criticism on the floor of the Senate.
As an
American, I am shocked at the way Republicans and Democrats alike are playing
directly into the Communist design of "confuse, divide, and conquer." As an
American, I do not want a Democratic administration white wash or cover up any
more than I want a Republican smear or witch hunt.
As an
American, I condemn a Republican Fascist just as much as I condemn a Democrat
Communist. I condemn a Democrat Fascist just as much as I condemn a Republican
Communist. They are equally dangerous to you and me and to our country. As an
American, I want to see our Nation recapture the strength and unity it once had
when we fought the enemy instead of ourselves....
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