’’’’巴’’
(BERNARD BARUCH)

巴’’關’控’原’’’方’
The Baruch Plan for Control of Atomic Energy

  我們’’�堙戎矷式式式戍鉧隉�


        第’次’’’戰結’’’’國’’’有關原’’’’識’1946’6月14日’’國’’’’’’巴’’’’’國原’’’Ⅸ’提交’’項’國方’’’原’’’國際控’之’’巴’’(1870-1965)’個’有’’融’’曾任’爾遜’統’羅斯福’統’’問’“’’元老”’’’詞’’’’爲’’’而創’’’

        蘇’反對巴’’方’’’爲該方’’’國際’’’由’裁’’’’統’’蘇’’’立’’毀’’原’’器’今’’止’’原’’器’’不’’’’蘇’’’’立場’礙’國際’’’’’1963’’’’蘇’’’國’簽’’止’’試驗條’’

        ’’當’巴’’方’未獲’’’’們’’’像’倘’該方’’勝’’’’’仍’有’場國際’備’賽’’’’資源’’’’’用’


   我們’’�堙戎矷式式式戍鉧隉式式戍畯怴汕鴃式�

    ’’’原’’’’黑’’不祥之’’’’’著’望’’’’們’著’’抓’’’望’那麽它’’’救我們’假’我們失敗’’那麽我們’’’’個’’爲’’’奴隸’我們切莫欺’’’’’我們必須’’’’平’’’毀滅之間’’抉擇’

    ’學’’’揭示’’個奧’’’潛’’’巨’’’’’我們’心’’它’’’’’中顫抖’’’’不足’’止原’’’’用’由’器’’成’’’’未’止’類’用’器’’’種’式’器’’’’’快’産生’種’’它’方’’’而’’我們面’有’’防’手’不’’’’’’’

    給我們’’’種’’’’’’學證’’’種’’’夠’用’極’’’福’類’’’學’有’’我們’樣’止用它’’’’’’’而我們’’’’’我們’國’民’’’心’’’’’’唯有’’’類’’志中’’找’解’問’’答’’

   正’爲著’’’種’’’它’’’實’’我們’’’集’堂’我們必須’’’種有’’’’’’原’’’用’’平目’’’止’們’戰’中’用它’爲’’我們必須’’對’反’國’成’’’’給予’接’迅’’’實’’’’倘’’平不應當僅僅’’次戰’之間’熱’插曲’那麽’’措’’必不’少’’而’’’’國’’’’蘇’’’國’’國’’國’’’堡應用’原’’’個’’’任’’’條’  ’’  ’樣做’’有’’’’’未’’

   ’’關鍵’’’我們不僅’’本國’’’而’’’’’圍’說’我們’’’’’國’民’我們應’’’’國’民不屬’’國’’’而’國’’屬’’國’民’我們必須答覆’們’’’’我們必須對’’’對’平’’’’渴望’’’答’

    ’國熱切’’滿’’望’’’樣’’望’’’國’對那種絕對’器’’學’’’獲成’’’’’國’’凖備’止’’毀’’戰’’’’’’它’用’’’’轉’生’’’倘’’’’爲’目’’立’個條’’’’

    ’’’’’’’’’而採’’動’’候’’輿論支援維’’’’’’’’動’’’我’’察準’’那麽我’’’’’國’民’’’’方’不僅’’善’’’’’而’’’’’實’’’裁手’’’’項’有’’’’國際’’

    我們’國’民極’爲維’’’’平盡’’而’由’我們擁有生産原’’’手’’由’原’’’成爲我們’’部分’我們’識’’’’’’重’’任’鑒’’’我們準備爲有’’控’原’’’’我們’最’’’’

    ’’’’個國’準備’棄任’’敵’勝’’器之’’它需’比言’’’’’’’’它’除疑’’它必須’’’’’證’’止用原’’’爲’攻’器’而’’止’’’器’’細菌’器’生’’器’’’’’’’’’用’’’’’爲什麽不’ ’’’止戰’本身’

    我們解’問’’方’’’’滅戰’’’爲’有’滅’戰’’國’國之間’’停止’生産’’用’’’懼’“’’”’器方面’比’’’而’類’器完’’’據’殺傷’’’’評’’價值’’’’該’’’方’不’把我們’’’中’’黑’’’’而’’我們’’諧有’’’’亂’’’倘’我們’找’’種控’原’’器’’當方’’那麽’有’由’望’我們’’’’止’用’’’’’’模殺傷’’器’’旦’個’學’’說“A”’那麽’’’樂’’’’’學’說’’’母’

    讓我們永遠銘’’’平絕對不’’由’屬’’’’’備’賽’’期維’’’平唯有’’’’裁手’’’’’諒解’’’’’’’穩’’’障’我們’麽接’國際’’’’麽接’國際分裂’’’必’’’’’’

 


We are here to make a choice between the quick and the dead. That is our business.

    Behind the black portent of the new atomic age lies a hope which, seized upon with faith, can work our salvation. If we fail, then we have damned every man to be the slave of fear. Let us not deceive ourselves: We must elect world peace or world destruction.

   Science has torn from nature a secret so vast in its potentialities that our minds cower from the terror it creates. Yet terror is not enough to inhibit the use of the atomic bomb. The terror created by weapons has never stopped man Tom employing them, for each new weapon a defense has been produced, in time. But now we face a condition in which adequate defense Joes not exist.

   Science, which gave us this dread power, shows that it can be made a giant help to humanity, but science does not show us how to prevent its baleful use. So we have been appointed to obviate that peril by finding a meeting of the minds and the hearts of our peoples. Only in the will of mankind lies the answer.

    It is to express this will and make it effective that we have been assembled. We must provide the mechanism to assure that atomic energy is used for peaceful purposes and preclude its use in war. To that end, we must provide immediate, swift, and sure punishment of those who violate the agreements that are reached by the nations. Penalization is essential if peace is to be more than a feverish interlude between wars. And, too, the United Nations can prescribe individual responsibility and punishment on the principles applied at Nuremberg by the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, the United Kingdom, France, and the United States-a formula certain to benefit the world's future.

    In this crisis, we represent not only our governments but, in a larger way, we represent the peoples of the world. We must remember that the peoples do not belong to the governments but that the governments belong to the peoples. We must answer their demands; we must answer the world's longing for peace and security.

    In that desire, the United States shares ardently and hopefully. The search of science for the absolute weapon has reached fruition in this country. But she stands ready to proscribe and destroy this instrument-to lift its use from death to life-if the world will join in a pact to that end. . . .

    Now, if ever, is the time to act for the common good. Public opinion supports the world movement toward security. If I read the sign aright, the peoples want a program not com-posed merely of pious thoughts but of enforceable sanctions-an international law with teeth in it.    We of this nation, desirous of helping to bring peace to the world and realizing the heavy obligations upon us arising from our possession of the means of producing the bomb and from the fact that it is a part of our armament, are prepared to make our full contribution toward effective control of atomic energy. . . .

    But before a country is ready to relinquish any winning weapons, it must have more than words to reassure it. It must have a guarantee of safety, not only against the offenders in the atomic area but against the illegal users of other weapons-bacteriological, biological, gas-perhaps-and why not?-against war itself.

    In the elimination of war lies our solution, for only then will nations cease to compete with one another in the production and use of dread "secret" weapons which are evaluated solely by their capacity to kill. This devilish program takes us back, not merely to the Dark Ages but from cosmos to chaos. If we succeed in finding a suitable way to control atomic weapons, it is reasonable to hope that we may also preclude the use of other weapons adaptable to mass destruction. When a man learns to say "A" he can, if he chooses, learn the rest of the alphabet, too.

    Let this be anchored in our minds: Peace is never long preserved by weight of metal or by an armament race. Peace can be made tranquil and secure only by understanding and agreement fortified by sanctions. We must embrace international cooperation or international disintegration. ...

’