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’蘭’’’’’諾’羅斯福
(FRANKLIN DELANO ROOSEVELT)
第’次’職’說
Second Inaugural Address
我’’’分之’’國民’不’’’不’’’不’’
1936’羅斯福’’選中’壓倒’勢戰勝堪薩斯’’’’爾弗’’’蘭’(’’黨改’’’’)’’1937’1月20日’第’次’職’說中’羅斯福’’’’’’實用’’’調’’’繪’’個正忙’探’解’辦’’正’’極解’問’’’’’’’’’’’’’’蕭條’續’成’重’失’當羅斯福’’’’’議’’’’立’’’’機’爲老’提’’’’’’爲失’’提’’’’維’’產’價’’’’蕭條仍’’殘’們’生’’
’’’當我們’’爲’’’統’’’職’禮’’整個’’國’心’’’’我們’’’’’我們那’’心實’’個’’’’讓’體’民早日獲’’’’福’必需’’’’’平’我們’’屬’’’國’’’’’把褻’’傳統’仰’’’傳統’仰’’堂裏’’’’’’’’不’’倦’’’’懼’採’’動’結’當’’停滯不’’絕望情緒’我們首’做’’’最緊迫’’’
我們’’’’’盟’還不止’’’我們憑本’’識’’’’’’需’’’需’’’’’’找’實’我們’’目’’手’’’’爲’個個’解’’’複雜’文’’’中’’不’’問’’我們曾不’試圖’’有’’幫’’條件’解’’’問’’’’終’勞’’’’’莫’’’爲’’有’’’幫’我們未’創’’控’’學’’’精’’’’而’有它’不’把’學’’類’’酷’情’’’轉變爲’心應手’奴僕’爲’做’’’’’我們’’必須找’切實’’’辦’’’馭’目’動’’濟’’’’’心竅’’們’
我們’’屬’’’國’’領’’’條’’’民’’’’’本質而言’夠’’’民’’’’’爲’不’避’’’’’解’’’’爲’’’解’’問’’’’’’歷’’百’’難’我們終’找’’控’’’’方’’我們不’’我們不’找’控’’濟’’’方’’我們’不讓關’’我們’’福’’問’聽憑’’’’難’’風’’’’’’’
’’’’’’驗證’’我們’歷’’覺’’有錯’’’’’驗’’’’’’’’望’’方’’’’’’’’’衆國’’都’’’’’’’’’’而’須犧’民’’我們’’’’’’’’’有迫’民’休假’’’
我們’’’1933’3月4日我們’’’目標麽?我們找’’我們’’福天’’麽’
我’’’個偉’’國’’’’’闊’’陸’天賜豐’’資源’它’’億’’’’民’平’’’正把’’’國’’成’’’’’中’個’’成Ⅸ’我’’’個’衆國’它’證實’由’’採’民’方式’國’’’’轉化爲’’’’’’’’’’民生’條件’把最’’生’’準提’遠遠’’僅’維’生’’’平’
’’我們’民’正面’’戰’’’個國’’我’’’’’公民’’’’’’’當’’部分’’’’’’還未’’’今天最’標準’應稱’生’必需’’’部分’’’
我’’數百’’’收’’薄’’’’日’’天都’’’’’’陰’籠’之’’
我’’數百’’’’民日’生’’’早’’個’’’’’’謂體面’’’’’不體面’’今’’’’’
我’’數百’’’不’教’’’樂’及改善’’’’’’境’’機’’
我’’數百’’’’購’’’’産’’手’’而’們’’’’’’’’’失’’’’’揮生産’’
我’’’分之’’國民’不’’’不’’’不’’
我’不’’’’絕望中’’們’繪’’圖景’’我’著’望’繪它’’’爲整個國’’’’’識’’’圖景中’’’’不公正’打算把它’’’我們’’心’’’個’國公民成爲國’關’’’件’我們’’不’把我國邊’內任’’誠’’’團體’成’’’’’’’對我們’’’檢驗標準’不’’我們’’’’’’’而’’我們’’雪中’’’
’’我對我們國’精’’’志還有’’解’話’我們’不’’聽’’圖’’’’’機’’’’’’’’’’’’我們’’’堅’’’’’’
今天’我們’’’變化’’文’中’’次把我們’國’’’給’視’’’’’’’任’’方’’’’著’’們離心離’’’’們團結’’’’’’’個’’’而言’我們’個’’’’’’’當我們’爲’個國’’’’濟’’’’’’’我們’屬’’個民族’’麽’’’升’’麽’’’’’
When
four years ago we met to inaugurate a President, the Republic, single-minded in
anxiety, stood in spirit here. We dedicated ourselves to the fulfillment of a
vision―to speed the
time when there would be for all the people that security and peace essential to
the pursuit of happiness. We of the Republic pledged ourselves to drive from the
temple of our ancient faith those who have profaned it; to end by action,
tireless and unafraid, the stagnation and despair of that day. We did those
first things first.
Our covenant with ourselves did not stop there. Instinctively we recognized a
deeper need― the need to find through government the instrument of our united
purpose to solve for the individual the ever-rising problems of a complex
civilization. Repeated attempts at their solution without the aid of government
had left us baffled and bewildered. For, without that aid, we had been unable to
create those moral controls over the services of science which are necessary to
make science a useful servant instead of a ruthless master of mankind. To do
this we knew that we must find practical controls over blind economic forces and
blindly selfish men.
We of the Republic sensed the truth that democratic government has innate
capacity to protect its people against disasters once considered inevitable, to
solve problems once considered unsolvable. We would not admit that we could not
find a way to master economic epidemics just as, after centuries of fatalistic
suffering, we had found a way to master epidemics of disease. We refused to
leave the problems of our common welfare to be solved by the winds of chance and
the hurricanes of disaster. . . .
Four years of new experience have not be-lied our historic instinct. They hold
out the clear hope that government within communities, government within the
separate States, and government of the United States can do the things the times
require, without yielding its democracy. Our tasks in the last four years did
not force democracy to take a holiday. . . .
Have we reached the goal of our vision of that fourth day of March, 1933? Have
we found our happy valley?
I see a great nation, upon a great continent, blessed with a great wealth of
natural resources. Its hundred and thirty million people are at peace among
themselves; they are making their country a good neighbor among the nations. I
see a United States which can demonstrate that, under democratic methods of
government, national wealth can be translated into a spreading volume of human
comforts hitherto unknown, and the lowest standard of living can be raised far
above the level of mere subsistence.
But here is the challenge to our democracy: In this nation I see tens of
millions of its citizens― a substantial part of its whole population― who at
this very moment are denied the greater part of what the very lowest standards
of today call the necessities of life.
I see millions of families trying to live on incomes so meager that the pall of
family disaster hangs over them day by day.
I see millions whose daily lives in city and on farm continue under conditions
labeled in-decent by a so-called polite society half a cen-tury ago.
I see millions denied education, recreation, and the opportunity to better their
lot and the lot of their children.
I see millions lacking the means to buy the products of farm and factory and by
their poverty denying work and productiveness to many other millions.
I see one-third of a nation ill-housed, ill-clad, ill-nourished. It is not in
despair that I paint you that picture. I paint it for you in hope― because the
Nation, seeing and understanding the injustice in it, proposes to paint it out.
We are determined to make every American citizen the subject of his country's
interest and concern; and we will never regard any faithful law-abiding group
within our borders as superfluous. The test of our progress is not whether we
add more to the abundance of those who have much; it is whether we provide
enough for those who have too little.
If I know aught of the spirit and purpose of our Nation, "we will not listen to
Comfort, Opportunism, and Timidity. We will carry on. . . .
Today we reconsecrate our country to long-cherished ideals in a suddenly changed
civilization. In every land there are always at workforces that drive men apart
and forces that draw men together. In our personal ambitions we are
individualists. But in our seeking for economic and political progress as a
nation, we all go up,or else we all go down, as one people. . . .
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