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’蘭’’’’’諾’羅斯福
(FRANKLIN DELANO ROOSEVELT)
首次’職’說
First Inaugural Address
我們唯’該懼’’’懼’本身’’’’我們變’’爲’’’需’’’’’癱瘓’那種不’’’’失’’智’’’’據’’懼’
’蘭’’’’’諾’羅斯福(1882－1945)’次當選爲’統’’’絕’僅有’’’領導國’闖’’’蕭條’第’次’’’戰’’個難關’羅斯福’身’’’個高’’’族’畢’
’’’學’’’遠’堂’’莉諾’羅斯福結’’接著’哥’比’’學’學’學習’雖’羅斯福1921’’’髓灰質’導’雙’癱瘓’’仍’1928’’選爲’’’’’’1932’羅斯福擊敗’職’統’’’黨’赫’’’’’’當選爲’國’統’羅斯福’’’國歷’’最’亂’最’’’’期擔任’統’’儘管’’極左’極’’方面’攻擊’’’終’孚衆望’’1945’4月12日’’’統’’’’
當羅斯福1933’3月4日’任’統職務’’’國正’’’場’重’’濟蕭條’折’’數百’’失’’’們對未’’’’心’羅斯福面’’’任務’第’’’奮’國’民’精’’’’’’’’’’生’’’’’有’’’個’做’’’第’’扶’濟’’’興’濟’爲’’’第’個目標’羅斯福’用’邦’’’’’’極’’’濟’動’’’’稱爲’’’’’’’’’’濟’劃’’實’’’’’’中’’快’’’’’說裏’’關’’減’’’支’平衡’邦’算’’言擱’’’’
值’我’任’統之際’我’’國’’們’’期望我’我國當’’勢’’’’’’’’’’’’’說’’’’’’’’’白而’敢’講’’’’講’’部’實情’’’候’’我們不必’’老老實實’面對我國今天’情’’’個偉’’國’’’歷’’難’今’仍’’’考驗’’’’生機’’’興’’’’’首’允’我申’’’’堅’’’’我們唯’該懼’’’懼’本身’’’’我們變’’爲’’’需’’’’’癱瘓’那種不’’’’失’’智’’’’據’’懼’’我國歷’’’’個黑’’’’’’誠而有’’’領導都曾’’’民’’解’支援’’正’勝’’’證’我堅’’’當’’’關鍵’’’’們’’’次給領導’支援’
我’’們都’’樣’種精’’面對’’’’難’’謝’’’’’’難’’及’質方面’幣值’’’’謬’’’’賦’’’’我們’’’’’’降’’’’’收’’減’’’’’渠’交’手’僵化’産’’歎殘’敗葉比比’’’’場’’’’’産’找不’市場’’’個’’’’’’’化爲’有’
’’重’’’’批失’公民面’’酷’生’問’’’有’批公民辛勤勞動’’’’’’’有’蠢’樂’’’’’’’’目’’陰’’實’
’’我們’’難’不’源’實質’’失敗’我們’有’’蝗’’我們’’’’仰堅’’’’’懼’’而’’’靡’比’’們’’’’難’’’我們’’謂’’’’’’’續’’布’’而’’’’’’’’’’足’’’我們’’’’’而’成’’資’’’不’對’足’分’’’’用’’首’’’爲’類商’交換’’管’們’’而’’’’’們’’’失敗’’動’’’’’’’幣’換商爲’類’’’’情’唾棄’’輿論’’’’’’’有’’’’
’福’不’’’’僅僅擁有’錢’’它’’’’’成’’’’’創’’’’’’動’’切莫’瘋’’’’瞬’’’’’潤中忘’’’’’’’樂’精’鼓’’我們’’’陰’’日’裏’’’’價’’完’值’’’’’’’’日教’我們’識’’我們不該聽憑’’’’’而應讓’’爲我們’’’我們’’’’務’’’
我們’首’任務’給’們’’’’’我們’智而’敢’對’它’’’不’’’解’’問’’’個任務’’’’’接’募’Ⅸ’’’’部分完成’’像我們應’戰’緊’’’那樣’’’’’雇用’’’Ⅸ’完成’需’’’’’’’改革我們對’’資源’’用’
’’’’’我們必須’’’’’’我們’那’’’中心’’’’剩’應’’國’圍調整’’’局’盡’把’’提’給最善’’種’’’’’’’’’’’’用’爲’幫’’項任務’完成’’採’’體措’提高’產’價’’’而提高對我們’市産’’購’’’’’’實’’’止對’’産’’場’’’’’贖’’’’成’日趨’重’’’’失’’堅’由’邦’’’’’方’’立’’’’’’減’用’’’採’’動’’把目’’’’分散’’’’不公平’救濟’’統’’’’’把’切’式’交’’輸’’’’’屬’公用’’’’’’’國’’’劃’監督之’’’之’’’方’有’’’項任務’完成’唯有’談’濟’’’我們必須’動’迅’採’’動’
最’’’’’’’’’’中我們需’防止舊’’弊端’’’’項’’措’’必須’’監督’切銀’’款’’’’投資’必須’止’用’’’’錢’’投機’動’必須提’’足而數’’’’’幣’
’’’’我們’對策’我’’’’’國’’’’議提’實’’’方’’’體措’’我’’’’’立’提’援’’’’實’’’’動綱領’我們’’’’整’國內’濟’平衡收支’
’對’’策方面’我國’’’睦’’策’’’心’重’’’’爲’重’’’’’’重’’’’’’’’’’’’’務’’’’’’’’’’’’’’國’’’’中’’’’’’’務’
’’我對我國’民’情緒體’’正’’那麽我們’’比’’任’’候’’切’’識’’我們之間互’’’’’肉’’’我們不’’圖’’’不’’’’我們必須像’支’’有’’’’不渝’’隊那樣’’邁’’’支’隊’’爲’’’’’’’’犧’’’爲’有’樣’’’’不’’’’’’’’不’’實’’有成’’領導’我’’我們’’’’’準備爲’’’’’’’生’’産’’爲’有’樣’’實’’’高’’爲目標’領導’我’’擔任’樣’領導’’證’’戰’’’’’’’’任’’統’’’’’’’高’目標成爲我們’體’民不’推’’’務’
’’’’項’證’’我’’不’豫’領導我國’民組成’’’’’’’’’’’戰勝我們面’’’’’難’
我們’’有’’’那裏’’’’’’’’式’爲’’目’’’種方式採’’動’’’’’’我們’憲’簡’而講’實際’’’’’’據’’’需’’重’’’排’有’改變而’’’它’基本’式’正’爲’’’我們’立憲體’不’爲’’’’’産生’最穩’’’’’’結’’它’’’領’’’’’對’戰’’’’’內亂’國際關’’考驗’
’’正’’’’’立’分’足’應’我們’面’’’’’重任’’而’’’’’’’’迅’’動’需’’’’’我們不’不暫’偏離公’’’’正’均衡’
我準備’據憲’賦予我’職’提’’個’難’重’國’’’個’難’重’’’中’必須採’’措’’’’措’’國’’據’’驗’智’’’’’’’類’措’’我’’憲’賦予我’’’’內儘快予’採’’
’’’倘’國’竟不’接’’’個方’中’’個’倘’國’’緊’’’仍’’重’我’’不’避顯’’不’辭’’任’我’’國’’’對’’機’最’手’’’’緊’’’’戰’’’’’’’’’’’實’’’敵’’’應該授予我’’’’
對’給予我’’任’我’’順應’’’’’’’誠’爲’報’我’不’’衆望’’’
I am certain that my fellow
Americans expect that on my induction into the Presidency I will address them
with a candor and a decision which the present situation of our Nation impels.
This is preeminently the time to speak the truth, the whole truth, frankly and
boldly. Nor need we shrink from honestly facing conditions in our country today.
This great Nation will endure as it has endured, will revive and will prosper.
So, first of all, let me assert my firm belief that the only thing we have to
fear is fear itself―nameless,
unreasoning, unjustified terror which paralyzes needed efforts to convert
retreat into advance. In every dark hour of our national life a leadership of
frankness and vigor has met with that understanding and support of the people
themselves which is essential to victory. I am convinced that you will again
give the support to leadership in these critical days.
In such a spirit on my part and on yours we face our common difficulties. They
concern, thank God, only material things. Values have shrunken to fantastic
levels; taxes have risen; our ability to pay has fallen; government of all kinds
is faced by serious curtailment of income; the means of exchange are frozen in
the currents of trade; the withered leaves of industrial enterprise lie on every
side; farmers find no markets for their produce; the savings of many years in
thousands of families are gone.
More important, a host of unemployed citizens face the grim problem of
existence, and an equally great number toil with little return. Only a foolish
optimist can deny the dark realities of the moment.
Yet our distress comes from no failure of substance. We are stricken by no
plague of locusts. Compared with the perils which our fore-fathers conquered
because they believed and were not afraid, we have still much to be thankful
for. Nature still offers her bounty and human efforts have multiplied it. Plenty
is at our door-steps, but a generous use of it languishes in the very sight of
the supply. Primarily this is because the rulers of the exchange of mankind's
goods have failed, through their own stubbornness and their own incompetence,
have admitted their failure, and abdicated. Practices of the unscrupulous money
changers stand indicted in the court of public opinion, rejected by the hearts
and minds of men. . . .
Happiness lies not in the mere possession of money; it lies in the joy of
achievement, in the thrill of creative effort. The joy and moral stimulation of
work no longer must be forgotten in the mad chase of evanescent profits. These
dark days will be worth all they cost us if they teach us that our true destiny
is not to be ministered unto but to minister to ourselves and to our fellow men.
. . .
Our greatest primary task is to put people to work. This is no unsolvable
problem if we face it wisely and courageously. It can be accomplished in part by
direct recruiting by the Government itself, treating the task as we would treat
the emergency of a war, but at the same time, through this employment,
accomplishing greatly needed projects to stimulate and reorganize the use of our
natural resources.
Hand in hand with this we must frankly recognize the overbalance of population
in our industrial centers and, by engaging on a national scale in a
redistribution, endeavor to provide a better use of the land for those best
fitted for the land. The task can be helped by definite efforts to raise the
values of agricultural products and with this the power to purchase the output
of our cities. It can be helped by preventing realistically the tragedy of the
growing loss through foreclosure of our small homes and our farms. It can be
helped by insistence that the Federal, State, and local governments act
forth-with on the demand that their cost be drastically reduced. It can be
helped by the unifying of relief activities which to-day are often scattered,
uneconomical, and unequal. It can be helped by national planning for and
supervision of all forms of transportation and of communications and other
utilities which have a definitely public character. There are many ways in which
it can be helped, but it can never be helped merely by talking about it. We must
act and act quickly.
Finally, in our progress toward a resumption of work we require two safeguards
against a return of the evils of the old order; there must be a strict
supervision of all banking and credits and investments; there must be an end to
speculation with other people's money, and there must be provision for an
adequate but sound currency.
There are the lines of attack. I shall presently urge upon a new Congress in
special session detailed measures for their fulfillment, and I shall seek the
immediate assistance of the several States. Through this program of action we
address ourselves to putting our own national house in order and making income
balance outgo....
In the field of world policy I would dedicate this Nation to the policy of the
good neighbor―the
neighbor who resolutely respects himself and, because he does so, respects the
rights of others―the
neighbor who respects his obligations and respects the sanctity of his
agreements in and with a world of neighbors.
If I read the temper of our people correctly, we now realize as we have never
realized before our interdependence on each other; that we cannot merely take
but we must give as well; that if we are to go forward, we must move as a
trained and loyal army willing to sacrifice for the good of a common discipline,
because without such discipline no progress is made, no leadership becomes
effective. We are, I know, ready and willing to submit our lives and property to
such discipline, because it makes possible a leadership which aims at a larger
good. This I propose to offer, pledging that the larger purposes will bind upon
us all as a sacred obligation with a unity of duty hitherto evoked only in time
of armed strife.
With this pledge taken, I assume unhesitatingly the leadership of this great
army of our people dedicated to a disciplined attack upon our common problems.
Action in this image and to this end is feasible under the form of government
which we have inherited from our ancestors. Our Constitution is so simple and
practical that it is possible always to meet extraordinary needs by changes in
emphasis and arrangement without loss of essential form. That is why our
constitutional system has proved itself the most superbly enduring political
mechanism the modem world has produced. It has met every stress of vast
expansion of territory, of foreign wars, of bitter internal strife, of world
relations.
It is to be hoped that the normal balance of executive and legislative authority
may be wholly adequate to meet the unprecedented task before us. But it may be
that an unprecedented demand and need for undelayed action may call for
temporary departure from that normal balance of public procedure.
I am prepared under my constitutional duty to recommend the measures that a
stricken nation in the midst of a stricken world may require. These measures, or
such other measures as the Congress may build out of its experience and wisdom,
I shall seek, within my constitutional authority, to bring to speedy adoption.
But in the event that the Congress shall fail to take one of these two courses,
and in the event that the national emergency is still critical, I shall not
evade the clear course of duty that will then confront me. I shall ask the
Congress for the one remaining instrument to meet the crisis―broad
Executive power to wage a war against the emergency, as great as the power that
would be given to me if we were in fact invaded by a foreign foe.
For the trust reposed in me I will return the courage and the devotion that
befit the time. I can do no less, . . .
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