托馬斯’潘’
(THOMAS PAINE)’ 識
Common Sense
(Library of Congress)
啊’’們’’熱’’類’’’’們’’不’敢反對暴’而’敢反對暴’’’’請’’’面’’
托馬斯’潘’(1737－1809)生’’’蘭’個’’’’’’親’教友’’’’母親’’國教教’’’’’歲輕學跟’親’’’學做婦’緊身褡’’試’’’種職’’’’有’個成’’’’’敦’’’Ｗ’’’蘭’’之’’’’1774’末移民’’’殖民’’’找’’賓’’尼’雜’’’’輯’’’那’’國’殖民’之間’關’’分緊’’潘’’快’捲’衝’’1775’4月l 9日’’’’敦’’’’’戰鬥之’’潘’’’結論’’次’’’目’不僅’反對不公正’’’’而’’支援’面’立’1776’1月10日’’’’’’本五’頁’’’’’’中對’’論’’’詳細解釋’’本’’’立’引’’動’’個月內售’’’’’’’’個’’僅’百五’’’殖民’裏’’’’’售’’五’’’’潘’’’’識’比任’’個’’’都’’說’當’’公衆輿論文’’’’不’’’立’’’
關’’’之間’鬥’’個’目’’們’’’’’’’’’’’階’’’們’’不’’動機’’著’種目’’參’’’場’論’’’切都’’’’’’’論戰’’結’’’’
我聽見有’’’’樣說’’’’’’’’’’不’’’生’繫’曾’’’’’那麽爲’它’’’’福’’樣’’繫’必’’’’’’’産生’樣’’’’’有任’論證比’’錯’’’’’還不’說’’爲’個’’’’奶’’’’’’’永遠不該’肉’’’說’我們’生’’’’’’應該成爲第’個’’’’’’’’’’’’樣’’言’’實’說’’’爲我’’’’’說’假’’有歐’’’’’’’話’’’照樣’夠’’’’’還’興’’’’賴’’’’’’’屬’生’必需’’’’歐’’還有飲食’食’’它’不’’有市場’
’’有’說歐’’’’我們’不錯’’’把我們’’’’而’’’我們’錢’’’’’錢’’衛’’’陸’’’’’實’不’’’’’樣’動機’’’’說爲’’’’統’’’’’’’衛’耳’’’
Ⅷ’我們’期’’’’歷’偏見’’’’爲’’’’’’’犧’’我們曾’誇’’不’’’’’’不’’’’’動機’’’而不’情誼’’’’有爲’我們而’’我們’’我們’敵’’’犯’’’爲’’’’’’’’’’敵’’’犯’’’’爲’’’’’’’’’’’’’’那’’我們本’’執’’’’犯’’’由’’樣’原’’’’’我們本’’執’’’’永遠成爲我們’敵’’’’’國’棄對’’’陸’’’’’’’’’陸’脫對’國’’賴’那麽’’’’國’’’’’’國’生戰’’我們還’’’’們’’’平’’
’’有’說’國’’國’’我們’’母’那麽’’’’’爲’’’丟’’’’’不食’’’野’’’不’親屬’戰’’’’那種說’’’’正’’話’那正’對它’譴’’’’那種說’’’’不正’’’’’’’部分正’’而’’’’’’夥幫閒陰’’採用“’母之邦”’“母國”’種詞’’有’鄙’天’教’圖’’’用我們輕’’’’讓我們’’’那不公正’偏見’歐’’而不’’國’’’’’’’母之邦’’個’’’曾’成爲歐’’’’迫’’酷’公民’由’’教’由’’’’避難’’’們’’’裏’’’不’’’’母親溫’’’’’而’’躲避’鬼暴’’把第’批移民’’’里’那種暴’’還’’’著’們’’’’’話對’國’說’今還’’’’’’’’
我’’那’最熱心鼓’’解’’’’’’’陸由’’’不’’’’’繫而’’’’’’’’’’’我們’’’’’歐’任’市場’售’’價錢’而我們’’’’’’’’’我們’’購’’’方成交’
’’’我們由’’’國’’’繫而’’’’’’’失’不勝’’’’我們對’’類’及對我們’’’’任’導我們’絕’種’盟’’爲對’不’’’任’’’’’’’都’立’’’個’陸捲’歐’’’種戰’’’執’’我們’’’國’’生衝’’而那’國’本’’’’’’我們’友誼’’我們對它們’’’有憤’’不滿’’由’’’’歐’’我們’’’市場’我們’應當’歐’任’部分’’不偏不倚’關’’’’’’正’’’’避’歐’’’種’’’’’由’它’’’國而變成’國’’天平’’’個’’’’’’它’永遠不’’身’’’之’’歐’’國’立’不’’’期’’’平’’’’旦’國’任’’國之間’’戰’’’’由’’’不’’’’
繫’’’’’’’’’’毀滅’’’次’戰’’’結’不’像’’次’樣’而’’有’不’’話’’’鼓’’解’’’那’’’’望分離’’’爲’那種情’’’中立’’’支’’’’’’隊而不’’個’’’’’正’’’’’’’都’’’分離’’殺’’’’’’及’化’
啜’’’喊著’’’’分離’’候’’’’’’’’國’’’之間’’’麽遠’’離’’有’’而’順’成章’證’’’國對’’’’’’’’’不’’’’’圖’’
’’’’’’’’離目’’生不’’件’’場’遠’’’’們’’’’禍’’’有完’降’’’們’’’’’’們’’’’’’部’産’’’’’’’讓我們’’像’把我們’’’’’’’’’’’那’滿’難’’’’教我們學’’’’’’而’’’引我們’我們不’’’’任’’’’絕關’’那個不’’市’’民’僅’’個月’還’著’樂’裕’生’’’’’們’’除’’’那裏’’’’’’’’’’有’’辦’’’’’們’續’’’裏’’有’’友’’’’擊’’’’而’’’們離’’’’’’’隊’’’’’目’’情’’’’們’’’’有’’’望’’’’’’’’攻’救’’們’’候’’們’暴’’雙方’隊’’’’’之’’’
’’’’’’們說’’們還’’忍那’’犯’那麽我倒’請教’’們’’’有’有’’掉?’們’’産’’’’們面’’’’?’’’’’’還有’’睡覺’有麵’’饑?’們’’母’’’’曾’’們’’手’而’們’’’不’’’’’離中’裏’生’’?’’’們’有’’’’’’’們’不’體’那’有’’種’’’’’心情’’’’’’’’’’還’’凶手握手言’’那麽’’不’稱爲’夫’’親’’友’情’’’’不管’’’輩’’’’’’銜’’’’都’個’’鬼’馬屁精’..
’有’’’平’溫’’方’都’有’’’我們’歷次懇’都’鄙’’’’’絕’’’我們’’’’有什麽比反覆請’’’’’國’們’虛’心’證實’們’’’’’’而’’有那種做’最’’’歐’國’們’’’’丹麥’瑞’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’抗’有’’’那麽爲’’’’讓我們’’最’’分離’不’讓’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’關’’’’’趨’滅’’
’’說’們不’’’那麽’’’那’單憑’’而’有’據’’我們對’’’’’曾’有’樣’’’’’而’’’’’夫’打’’我們’’夢’’’我們’’’’爲那’’’’打敗’國’’永遠不’’’’’’
’’說’統’’問’’’國’’’’公平’’’’’’對’’個’陸’’它’’務不’’’’分’’’’不’’個離我們’麽遠’對我們’樣’’’國’用種種’’之’’’’營’’’爲’’’’們不’’’我們’’們’’’統’我們’爲’’件’情’’項申請’’’’’’’’’里’爲’答覆’等’’五個月’而’’批覆’’’’需’五六個月’’’解釋’’種情’不’’’’夫’’’’’’’Ｔ’幼’’’’’’’’’有’’’間它’’當’’那麽’’’’’它不’’’’’當’期’’
那’不’’衛’’’’’’’’國把它們’’’’之’’’當’件’’’’’’’爲’個’陸’’永遠’’個’嶼’統’’那不’有’’謬’’’’’’’’’有’衛’’’它’’’’’’’’’’國’’’’’’’關’’’反’’’’’’’’那麽顯’’們’屬’不’’體’’’國屬’歐’’’’屬’它’’’’
有’說’那麽’’’國’’’’’?’友’我’’’’’’’天’統’著’不像’不’’’’’生那樣殘’’類’還’讓我們莊’’’’’天’’’憲章’’望我們’’’’’’’’方面’不’有’’’讓我們’’’憲章’’’’’’爲’據’讓我們爲憲章’冕’’而’’’’’’’贊成’’’而言’’’’’’’’國’’’爲’正’’’’’’中’國’’’’’’樣’’’由國’中’’’應該成爲國’’而’不應該有’它’’用’’爲’’防’’’生濫用’高’’’’弊’那’不妨’’禮結’’’’’國’’’稱號’把它分散給有’’’’種稱號’’民’
組織我們’’’’’’’’我們天賦’’’’當’個’’’考’’’’’動蕩’’’’’’’’’’’我們盡’’’’’’’’’’組織我們’’’’’’’’’比把’樣’個重’問’交給’間’機’’支’’’’’限’’’’’’’’
’們’’’我們重視融’’’解’’’’不’把’’’’’’間重’交還給我們’’’們’不’把’’’’潔還給’妓’?’們’’’國’’’’解’’’辦不’’’’’最’’’’’’’’’’’國’正’’’厥詞攻擊我們’’’成’’’’天’難’’’’’天’’’’’話’那’不成’爲天’’’’’情’不’’’’’’情婦’’’’’’陸’’不’’’’國’那’殺’’手’’’’賦予我們執著’’’’’’智’’’’不’’滅’’情’’種’情’’’我們心中’’’’’’而’’我們不’’普’’動’’體’假’我們麻木’情’’’’’’’解體’公’’’’’’絕迹’’’不’偶’’’’假’我們’’’’’’不’’’我們’’’’’’正’’’’’殺’’手’’’’’’’’’
啊’’們’’熱’’類’’!’們’’不’敢反對暴’而’敢反對暴’’’’請’’’面’’舊’’’’壓迫’撅’’由’’’’’’’’’’’’早’把’’’’歐’把’當’異’分’’而’國’’對’’’’’’’啊’接’’個’’’’及’’爲’類準備’個避難’’’
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Thomas Paine
Common Sense
Volumes have
been written on the subject of the struggle between England and America. Men of
all ranks have embarked in the controversy, from different motives, and with
various designs: but all have been ineffectual, and the period of debate is
closed. . . .
I have
heard it asserted by some, that as America hath flourished under her former
connection with Great Britain, the same connection is necessary towards her
future happiness, and will always have the same effect. Nothing can be more
fallacious than this kind of argument. We may as well assert that because a
child has thriven upon milk, that it is never to have meat, or that the first
twenty years of our lives is to become a precedent for the next twenty. But even
this is admitting more than is true; for I answer roundly, that
America
would have flourished as much, and probably much more, had no European power
taken any notice of her. The commerce by which she hath enriched herself are the
necessaries of life, and will always have a market while eating is the custom of
Europe.
But she
has protected us, say some. That she hath engrossed us is true, and defended the
continent at our expense as well as her own is admitted; and she would have
defended Turkey from the same motive, viz., for the sake of trade and dominion.
Alas! we
have been long led away by ancient prejudices, and made large sacrifices to
superstition. We have boasted the protection of Great Britain without
considering that her motive was interest, not attachment; and that she did not
protect us from our enemies on our account, but from her enemies on her own
account, from those who had no quarrel with us on any other account, but who
will always be our enemies on the same account. Let Britain waive her
pretensions to the continent, or the continent throw off the dependence, and we
should be at peace with
France
and Spain were they at war with Britain. . . .
But
Britain is the parent country, say some. Then the more shame upon her conduct.
Even brutes do not devour their young, nor savages make war upon their families;
wherefore, the assertion, if true, turns to her reproach; but it happens not to
be true, or only partly so, and the phrase parent or mother country hath been
jesuitically adopted by the king and his parasites, with a low, papistical
design of gaining an unfair bias on the credulous weakness of our minds. Europe,
and not England, is the parent country of America. This new world hath been the
asylum for the persecuted lovers of civil and religious liberty from every part
of Europe. Hither have they fled, not from the tender embraces of a mother, but
from the cruelty of the monster; and it is so far true of England, that the same
tyranny which drove the first emigrants from home, pursues their descendants
still. . . .
I
challenge the warmest advocate for reconciliation to show a single advantage
that this continent can reap, by being connected with Great Britain. I repeat
the challenge, not a single advantage is derived. Our corn will fetch its price
in any market in Europe, and our imported goods must be paid for, buy them where
we will.
But the
injuries and disadvantages we sustain by that connection are without number; and
our duty to mankind at large, as well as to ourselves, instructs us to renounce
the alliance: because any submission to, or dependence on, Great Britain, tends
directly to involve this continent in European wars and quarrels, and sets us at
variance with nations who would otherwise seek our friendship, and against whom
we have neither anger nor complaint. As Europe is our market for trade, we ought
to form no partial connection with any part of it. "Tis the true interest of
America to steer clear of European contentions, which she never can do while by
her dependence on Britain she is made the make weight in the scale of British
politics.
Europe is
too thickly planted with kingdoms to be long at peace, and whenever a war breaks
out between England and any foreign power, the trade of America goes to ruin,
because of her connection with Britain. The next war may not turn out like the
last, and should it not, the advocates for reconciliation now will be wishing
for separation then, because neutrality in that case would be a safer convoy
than a man of war. Everything that is right or natural pleads for separation.
The blood of the slain, the weeping voice of nature cries, 'TIS TIME TO PART.
Even the distance at which the Almighty hath placed England and America is a
strong and natural proof that the authority of the one over the other, was never
the design of heaven. . . .
It is the
good fortune of many to live distant from the scene of present sorrow; the evil
is not sufficiently brought to their doors to make them feel the precariousness
with which all American property is possessed. But let our imaginations
transport us for a few moments to Boston; that seat of wretchedness will teach
us wisdom, and instruct us forever to renounce a power in whom we can have no
trust. The inhabitants of that unfortunate city, who but a few months ago were
in ease and affluence, have now no other alternative than to stay and starve, or
turn out to beg. Endangered by the fire of their friends if they continue within
the city, and plundered by the soldiery if they leave it, in their present
situation they are prisoners without the hope of redemption, and in a general
attack for their relief they would be exposed to the fury of both armies....
But if
you say, you can still pass the violations over, then I ask, Hath your house
been burnt? Hath your property been destroyed before your face? Are your wife
and children destitute of a bed to lie on, or bread to live on? Have you lost a
parent or a child by their hands, and yourself the ruined and wretched survivor?
If you have not, then you are not a judge of those who have. But if you have,
and can still shake hands with the murderers, then you are unworthy the name of
husband, father, friend, or lover; and whatever may be your rank or title in
life, you have the heart of a coward, and the spirit of a sycophant. . . .
Every
quiet method for peace hath been in effectual. Our prayers have been rejected
with disdain; and have tended to convince us that nothing flatters vanity or
confirms obstinacy in kings more than repeated petitioning--and nothing hath
contributed more than that very measure to make the kings of Europe absolute.
Witness Denmark and Sweden. Wherefore, since nothing but blows will do, for
God’s sake let us come to a final separation, and not leave the next generation
to be cutting throats under the violated unmeaning names of parent and child.
To say
they will never attempt it again is idle and visionary; we thought so as the
repeal of the stamp act, yet a year or two undeceived us; as well may we suppose
that nations which have been once defeated will never renew the quarrel.
As to
government matters, it is not in the power of Britain to do this continent
justice: the business of it will soon be too weighty and intricate to be managed
with any tolerable degree of convenience, by a power so distant from us, and so
very ignorant of us; for if they cannot conquer us, they cannot govern us. To be
always running three or four thousand miles with a tale or a petition, waiting
four or five months for an answer, which, when obtained, requires five or six
more to explain it in, will in a few years be looked upon as folly and
childishness. There was a time when it was proper, and there is a proper time
for it to cease.
Small
islands not capable of protecting themselves are the proper objects for kingdoms
to very absurd in supposing a continent to be perpetually governed by an island.
In no instance hath nature made the satellite larger than its primary planet;
and as England and America, with respect to each other, reverse the common order
of nature, it is evident that they belong to different systems. England to
Europe: America to itself’
But
where, say some, is the king of America? I’ll tell you, friend, he reigns above,
and doth not make havoc of mankind like the Royal Brute of Great Britain. Yet
that we may not appear to be defective even in earthly honors, let a day be
solemnly set apart for proclaiming the charter; let it be brought forth placed
on the divine law, the Word of God; let a crown be placed thereon, by which the
world may know, that so far as we approve of monarchy, that in America THE LAW
is KING. For as in absolute governments the king is law, so in free countries
the law ought to BE king, and there ought to be no other. But lest any ill use
should afterwards arise, let the crown at the conclusion of the ceremony be
demolished, and scattered among the people whose right it is.
A
government of our own is our natural right; and when a man seriously reflects on
the precariousness of human affairs, he will become convinced, that it is
infinitely wiser and safer to form a constitution of our own in a cool
deliberate manner, while we have it in our power, than to trust such an
interesting event to time and chance. . . .
Ye that
tell us of harmony and reconciliation, can ye restore to us the time that is
passed? Can ye give to prostitution its former innocence? Neither can ye
reconcile Britain and America. The last cord now is broken; the people of
England are presenting addresses against us. There are injuries which nature
cannot forgive; she would cease to be nature if she did. As well can the lover
forgive the ravisher of his mistress, as the continent forgive the murders of
Britain. The Almighty hath implanted in us these unextinguishable feelings for
good and wise purposes. They are the guardians of his image in our hearts. They
distinguish us from the herd of common animals. The social compact would
dissolve, and justice be extirpated from the earth, or have only a casual
existence, were we callous to the touches of affection. The robber and the
murderer would often escape unpunished, did not the injuries which our tempers
sustain, provoke us into justice.
0 ye that
love mankind! Ye that dare oppose not only the tyranny but the tyrant, stand
forth! Every spot of the old world is overrun with oppression. Freedom hath been
hunted round the globe. Asia and Africa have long expelled her. Europe regards
her like a stranger, and
England
hath given her warning to depart. 0 receive the fugitive, and prepare in time an
asylum for mankind.
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