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伍’羅’’爾遜 (WOODROW WILSON) 關’’戰對國’’’講 War Message to Congress ’’應該讓民’’有’’’
1914’’’歐’’’盟國(’國’奧’’國)’’’國(’國’’國’’國)之間’’’戰’’’國’’未參’歐’’戰’’而’伍’羅’’爾遜’統’稱’’國’應當“’符’實’’’中立’’’裏’’’’’公正’”華盛’’傑斐遜’’’重’’’’’羅’’’’’’’’調’’’國應避’捲’國際’’鬥’’’’實證’’’’中立’’分’難’’1915’5月’’艘’國潛艇擊’’’國’輪
“’’塔尼’”號’’’’百’’’’’國’’內’有’’’’百’喪生’’’輿論譁’’
1916’’爾遜仰賴“’’我們避’’戰’”’’’號’’統’選中’次獲勝’’爾遜’爲’’夠’’交戰’雙方’解’’’’’手’’歐’’試圖找’’’結’戰’’條件’1917’1月’’爾遜對國’’’講話’談及’正’’’找’個方’’’’
“’有勝’’’平”’’’’贏’’’輸’’解’辦’’’個’由國際“’平’盟”’’’解’辦’’’爾遜頗有遠見’警’說’’種’’’’質’’平’給’’場歐’衝’種’禍’’
’國’證不’’’襲擊’’裝船隻’’’1917’’重’’’’’’’’’潛艇’攻’擊’’’艘’國商船’’爾遜對’國’’策忍’’忍’’’1917’4月2日請’國’批准’戰’’裏’錄’’爾遜關’’戰’’講’’’百’’’’投’’’歷’’最’’’衝’之’’
’戰結’’’’爾遜倡議’立國際’盟’當’’歐’’’’’’’’’國’’’’’’民衆支援’平條’’國際’盟’任務’’爲’’黨’’控’’參議’’’’跨國’’日’’排太緊’’’’健’’l
919’9月’爾遜終’’倒’’’’續’擔’統職’’ ’’今’1月3日我正式’’’們’’’志’國’’爲’’異’’’’’’’’稱’1月1日’它’’旨’把’’’限’’仁’’考’統統’’’邊’用它’潛艇’擊’任’’’’國’’爾蘭港’’船隻’’’’歐’’’’’’中’內’國’敵’’控’’任’港’’船隻’’’’’’國潛艇戰’’戰之’’目標’’’’’4月’’’’志’國對’潛艇’揮’們’少有’限’’’實踐當’它對我們’’’諾言’不擊’’輪’對’’它’潛艇’’’毀’船隻’’’不’’抗’’’原’’’’’它們’’’’警’’而’讓它們’船Ⅸ’少有機’’不’防’船’’生’’殘酷’情’戰’中’’樁樁’’’’’’件證’’’方’’’’’不夠’’而’’有任’’’’’實有’’’’’’’’而’’策把任’限’都’’’’任’種類’船隻’不論它掛什麽’’’有什麽’質’載什麽’’’’’’’完成什麽’’’’都’擊’’不給’’警’’’’’不’船’’Ⅸ’’’’友’中立國’船隻’敵國’船隻’樣對’’’’’醫’船’及’比’’’傷’重’’民’’救濟’資’船隻’’’’’’國’’允’’’’’’’而’’有’’’’’標’’’’樣’’喪失’情心’原’’’’’擊’’ 有’’我’’’’’’種’’竟’’’’個’’贊’文’’’’’’’’’’’’’’爲’國際’’源’’類試圖’’’’種’’’’’’’重’遵’’’’’該’’’’’任’國’’’統’’’’’’’國’船隻都’’’’’’由’’’’’’國’’’報’’必需爲藉’’’’’’’’’’’’’’踢’’’爲’國’’’除’’不’忌’’’蔑視對國際交’’’識’’’’’之’’’不’什麽’’’’我’’’’’不’’國’’’’成’’産’失’儘管’失’重’而’對’批平民生’’’忌憚’’殺’而’’’’’婦’’’童’’’’目標’’’’’’’’’歷’最黑’’’期’’’’爲’’’’’’’’’産’’賠’’而’平’’’民’生’’’’賠’’目’’國對’’’’’’潛艇戰’實’’’類爲敵’ ’’’對’有國’’戰’’’國船隻’擊’’’國公民葬身’’’’’傳’’’’驚’’’’中立’友’國’’船隻’’Ⅸ’’’’’’’’厄’’’有什麽’’’’’對整個’類’’戰’’個國’必須’’’’它應’’對’’’’戰’我們必須’應我國’’’’’旨’’’勢’謹’考’’’’’我們’’’’’’我們絕對不應’情用’’我們’動機’’爲’仇’不’爲’耀’揚’’而僅僅’爲維’’’’維’’’’’’場鬥’中我們國’僅僅’’’鬥’’’ 我’’’識’我正採’’’’’’重’’’’’’質’’及它’’’’重’’任’’’我對’’’’由憲’’’’’務’不遲疑’正’’’樣’’’我’議國’’’’’’志’國最’’’動’實’’’對’國’’’’民’動’戰’’’國正式接’’’’’它’交戰國’’’’國’立’’動’不僅’國’’’完’’防’’’’而’’竭盡’’’’用’切手’迫’’國’’’’’結’戰’’’’ 當我們採’’動’’’重’’動’’候’我們’’應當’楚’’應讓’’’’白我們’動機’目’’什麽’’’我們’目’’’’維’國際生’’’平’正’’原’’反對’’’’’’’’’我們’’’’’’正’由’’’’’國’民之中’立’種’志’’動’概’’有’它’’’證’’原’’’遵’’當問’’及’’’平’’及’’’國’民’’由’’當組織’’’勢’支援’’’’’’’’’’’志而’’民’’志’’’’’’而對’’’民’’平’’由’成’’’’中立’不’’’’’’’’’’我們’’’’’種情’’中立’成爲歷’’我們’’’個’’’’’端’’’個’’中’們堅’’’’’文’國’’個公民遵’’關’’爲’’擔’’’準’’’個國’’它們’’’’必須’樣遵’’ 我們’’國’民之間不’齟齬’對’們’我們除’’情’友誼’有’’情’’’們’’’投’戰’’不’’爲’民’推動’’們’’’’’’’’未’示贊’’’’打’場戰’’’’不’’歲月中’’打’場戰’’方式’’’舊’統’’’不’’’民’’見’戰’’’’’’動’都’爲著’朝’’’’’爲野心’’’’組成’’集團’’’’’’’’ ’’用’’’爲走’’’’’’’ 我們接’’’敵’’’戰’’爲我們’’’’樣’個採用’種手’’’’’絕對不’做’友’’’’它組織’’’’’’伏著準備實’不’’’’目’’’’’’切民’’’’’’’’’’’障’我們接’’’’’場’’個’由’天敵’’’宏’戰’’’有必’’’動用我國’’部’’’’止’’’敵’’’圖’勢’’我們’’’慰’’爲敵’撕’僞善’面’’’我們’’’’’’’樣我們’爲’’最終’平’爲’’’國’民’’’國’民’解’而戰’爲’’’’’國’’’’’’’’’們選擇’’’生’’’’’’’方式’’’而戰’’’應該讓民’’有’’’’’’平應’立’’’’由歷’考驗’基礎’’我們’有什麽’’’圖’我們不’’’’’不’’統’’我們不爲’’’’賠’’對我們’’’’’’犧’不’’質補’’我們’不’’爲’類’’而戰’鬥’之’’當’國’’’’’由’’’’類’’不’’犯之’’我們’心滿’足’ ’我們面’’’’有’日’’’戰’考驗’’重犧’’把我們偉’’’’’平’’民領’戰’’件’’’’’’爲’場戰’’有’’’最’’最殘酷’’’’文’’身’’’’’’’’而’’比’平’’’’我們’爲’’’’最’惜’’’而戰’’爲’民’’爲’民’’’’’’’’’’’’中擁有’言’’爲’’國’’’’’’由’爲’由’’國’民’諧’’’’’有’’’給’有國’’’’平’’’’’’’本身最終獲’’由’爲完成’樣’個任務’我們’’’’我們’生’’産’’’我們’’’及我們’有’’切’我們滿’’豪’’爲我們’’’’樣’’天’’’’’’國有’’’用’’’’’’’’衛那’原’’正’它們給予’生’’快樂’給予’’’’視’’平’’’’’’’’’’選擇’ ...On the third of February last I officially laid before you the extraordinary announcement of the Imperial German Government that on and after the first day of February it was its purpose to put aside all restraints of law or of humanity and use its submarines to sink every vessel that sought to approach either the ports of Great Britain and Ireland or the western coasts of Europe or any of the ports controlled by the enemies of Germany within the Mediterranean. That had seemed to be the object of the German submarine warfare earlier in the war, but since April of last year the Imperial Government had somewhat restrained the commanders of its undersea craft in conformity with its promise then given to us that passenger boats should not be sunk and that due warning would be given to all other vessels which its submarines might seek to destroy, when no resistance was offered or escape attempted, and care taken that their crews were given at least a fair chance to save their lives in their open boats. The precautions taken were meager and haphazard enough, as was proved in distressing instance after instance in the progress of the cruel and unmanly business, but a certain degree of restraint was observed. The new policy has swept every restriction aside. Vessels of every kind, whatever their flag, their character, their cargo, their destination, their errand, have been ruthlessly sent to the bottom without warning and without thought of help or mercy for those on board, the vessels of friendly neutrals along with those of belligerents. Even hospital ships and ships carrying relief to the sorely bereaved and stricken people of Belgium, though the latter were provided with safe conduct through the proscribed areas by the German Government itself and were distinguished by unmistakable marks of identity, have been sunk with the same reckless lack of compassion or of principle. I was for a little while unable to believe that such things would in fact be done by any government that had hitherto subscribed to the humane practices of civilized nations. International law had its origin in the attempt to set up some law which would be respected and observed upon the seas, where no nation had right of dominion and where lay the free highways of the world. . . . This minimum of right the German Government has swept aside under the plea of retaliation and necessity and because it had no weapons which it could use at sea except these which it is impossible to employ as it is employing them without throwing to the winds all scruples of humanity or of respect for the understandings that were supposed to underlie the intercourse of the world. I am not now thinking of the loss of property involved, immense and serious as that is, but only of the wanton and wholesale destruction of the lives of non-combatants, men, women, and children, engaged in pursuits which have always, even in the darkest periods of modern history, been deemed innocent and legitimate. Property can be paid for; the lives of peaceful and innocent people cannot be. The present German submarine warfare against commerce is a warfare against mankind. It is a war against all nations. American ships have been sunk, American lives taken, in ways which it has stirred us very deeply to learn of, but the ships and people of other neutral and friendly nations have been sunk and overwhelmed in the waters in the same way. There has been no discrimination. The challenge is to all mankind. Each nation must decide for itself how it will meet it. The choice we make for ourselves must be made with a moderation of counsel and a temperateness of judgment befitting our character and our motives as a nation. We must put excited feeling away. Our motive will not be revenge or the victorious assertion of the physical might of the nation, but only the vindication of right, of human right, of which we are only a single champion. . . . With a profound sense of the solemn and even tragical character of the step I am taking and of the grave responsibilities which it involves, but in unhesitating obedience to what I deem my constitutional duty, I advise that the Congress declare the recent course of the Imperial German Government to be in fact nothing less than war against the government and people of the United States; that it formally accept the status of belligerent which has thus been thrust upon it; and that it take immediate steps not only to put the country in a more thorough state of defense but also to exert all its power and employ all its resources to bring the Government of the German Empire to terms and end the war. . . . While we do these things, these deeply momentous things, let us be very clear, and make very clear to all the world what our motives and our objects are. . . . Our object. . . is to vindicate the principles of peace and justice in the life of the world as against selfish and autocratic power and to set up amongst the really free and selfgoverned peoples of the world such a concert of purpose and of action as will henceforth insure the observance of those principles. Neutrality is no longer feasible or desirable where the peace of the world is involved and the freedom of its peoples, and the menace to that peace and freedom lies in the existence of autocratic governments backed by organized force which is controlled wholly by their will, not by the will of their people. We have seen the last of neutrality in such circumstances. We are at the beginning of an age in which it will be insisted that the same standards of conduct and of responsibility for wrong done shall be observed among nations and their governments that are observed among the individual citizens of civilized states. We have no quarrel with the German people. We have no feeling towards them but one of sympathy and friendship. It was not upon their impulse that their government acted in entering this war. It was not with their previous knowledge or approval. It was a war determined upon as wars used to be determined upon in the old, unhappy days when peoples were nowhere consulted by their rulers and wars were provoked and waged in the interest of dynasties or of little groups of ambitious men who were accustomed to use their fellow men as pawns and tools.... We are accepting this challenge of hostile purpose because we know that in such a Government, following such methods, we can never have a friend; and that in the presence of its organized powder, always lying in wait to accomplish we know not what purpose, there can be no assured security for the democratic Governments of the world. We are now about to accept gauge of battle with this natural foe to liberty and shall, if necessary, spend the whole force of the nation to check and nullify its pretensions and its power. We are glad, now that we see the facts with no veil of false pretense about them, to fight thus for the ultimate peace of the world and for the liberation of its peoples, the German peoples included: for the rights of nations great and small and the privilege of men everywhere to choose their way of life and of obedience. The world must be made safe for democracy. Its peace must be planted upon the tested foundations of political liberty. We have no selfish ends to serve. We desire no conquest, no dominion. We seek no indemnities for ourselves, no material compensation for the sacrifices we shall freely make. We are but one of the champions of the rights of mankind. We shall be satisfied when those rights have been made as secure as the faith and the freedom of nations can make them.... There are, it may be, many months of fiery trial and sacrifice ahead of us. It is a fearful thing to lead this great peaceful people into war, into the most terrible and disastrous of all wars, civilization itself seeming to be in the balance. But the right is more precious than peace, and we shall fight for the things which we have always carried nearest our hearts,―for democracy, for the right of those who submit to authority to have a voice in their own Governments, for the rights and liberties of small nations, for a universal dominion of right by such a concert of free peoples as shall bring peace and safety to all nations and make the world itself at last free. To such a task we can dedicate our lives and our fortunes, everything that we are and everything that we have, "with the pride of those who know that the day has come when America is privileged to spend her blood and her might for the principles that gave her birth and happiness and the peace which she has treasured. God helping her, she can do no other. ’ |