伍’羅’’爾遜
(WOODROW WILSON)
’’由 The New Freedom
’’化及’’生產’技’’改變’’’’國’’’場’’本質 民族’’生不’’’’’階’而’’’’’民眾’ (托馬斯) 伍’羅 ’ ’爾遜(1856-1924) ’生’’’尼’’’’親’’’’’’老’’’’’少’’’’’爾遜曾’’’’’及’’羅’’’生’’’’身’內戰’’’’’’’之中’’爾遜畢’ ’’’羅’’’戴維森學’’普’斯’’學’’’’翰’’普’斯’學獲’歷’學’’’學’博’學’’’爾遜有關’’問’’’說’文章’’’國’’’1910’’’爾遜當選’’’’’’’’’’民’黨中’’’’’’’爾遜’1912’獲民’黨’統候選’’提’’由’’’黨中’’’’華’’塔夫’及’奧’’羅斯福’’’支’’’分裂’’爾遜贏’’’選’ ’面文章’選’’爾遜’選’統’講集’’’由’’’’“’’由”’’爾遜’’’說’’號’ 當我’首歷’’’’當我’’’國’誕生’我’’’’頁都’有’民族’’生不’’’’’階’而’’’’’民眾’’’’’’’民眾’’裏脫’而’’天’’’’民重獲’’’’’天’’我’’部歷’’識’’及有’’我’’’’’’驗’’察’都’我堅’’’類生’’’正智’’由普’’’’歷累’而成’’生’之’用’生’之’’’生’之’實不’’’而’’’成’而’像’棵’樹’’’生’’樣’’’’’’’成樹’’樹’’’樹’’樹’’’葉’’結’’實’’’’’’奮鬥不’’偉’民眾’’’’’’’之’’’提高’’’準’動’’’個民族之偉’體’’’’’’體’ ’’’普’民眾之偉’’ ’’’當今我們國’’首’之’’’’’’那’’成’我們未’領’’’’’’國生機’偉’’’’’’’’參’’我’’’對普’’’’任’’’’我還’’’’我對’’’說’’’’楚’’個’’而’’’’’’’’’個正’’鬥’’’’打’’’’’’’’’’’’’個正’熱心’’’’’’’’當今’國之’’評’’’’評’’’正’’’’’’’’生’而鬥’’’’’熱’’’勝’’’’’’’樣’’’’’’’’’’白當今’國正’’生’’’’我’說’我’望’’’’’’’’’導’ 我們’有公正’陪’團’’’不公’’’’不’我不’說’’不公’’’而’’極少數’’’左’著’國’’策’普’’’有’言’’由’’’永遠不’有’言’而’’’’失望’’’’’’’’’失’’言’而’’’’失望’’’’我們必須’立’個’’國’體民眾’心’’’’’’’個’’’’動’盡’’最’’’’’’國’民’’’’’’執’’首’問’’’’’解普’’正’做什麼’’什麼’我們’都’普’’’除’’’走’’’少’’高’我們’區’’’’平’’’’有普’’’’’’’有普’’’歷’’’’’’’’正’解釋’國’’’’難’不正’我們把有關’’’’’’’’’’引’’豪’原’嗎? ’’’’普’民眾’’’’’’階’’’’教’’階’裏’’’比’’’’’解’國’ ’國今天’未’’’望都’’天’’’’’’’’’望’’’’’’’’’’’’中’’’’批’’’批’成’’’’及’’’’’’’’國’’’’’’普’’’’望’普’’’福’’普’’’’’心及普’’’’極’之中’我們不’’少數紳’’揮’’而’有’我們’’有’’’我們擁有’’’智’’擁有’’’’’’’國不’由’’見報’’組成’’’國不’由’’’’成’’’領’’’組成’’’國’不’由誇誇’談’’組成’’’’有當’’’’我們國’’’體’我們國’’原動’’’百’’’’’’偉’民眾說話’’候’’談’’’們’重’’’不’’民眾之’’’不’’民眾’情’動’’’’不’’’國及’未’目標說話’’’’’’國說話’’’’’解偉’’公民’體’’’’’’’’’日忙’公務’’’’’’日’辛勞’’’’’’’晚’著’憊’身軀’’’’’’’’’’我們引’’豪’’’’’’ ’們’’’我們有’熱’’騰’’’’我們’’’’’’’有’’國’正等著’’國’’’’’’而有’’’’’’’’’’’豐’’資源’’’巨’’’’而有’’’’’’國’正’’’我們’個’輕’民族’’’完整’’’’’’’’’’種’’’我們不’’’’’’’而’豪’’什麼’’’’我們’’’? 那’’’百’’’’’勞動’’’’’不誇誇’談’’不’眾’而’’天’’天’著謹’’日’’正’勞動’’’偉’’體’’’國’’’’有’’’測’’我們國’’未’領’’’’’個’’’’’’個’區’’’’個種族’’正’我們’’國’’’’’’耀’’個國’’偉’領’’’’’’’那’’基堅’’“成’”之’’ 我’’不’’我’’’學’講’’’話’我’’那裏’’’有’輕’都’有錢’’’’’’我讓’們’白’我覺’’們’’憐’’’我說’“’們當中’部分’學’’不’有’’’’們不’有’’’’’們’永遠不’’’’有’’’’當我們國’’偉’任務正等’’們’完成’’’’’’’’們’’絕接’任務’那種‘’’不接’’’’’’那種離’’立’’’那種’’’’’打’’’’’’眾中脫’而’’’證’’’解’眾’’解’個統’而’分裂’國’之’’’’’身而’成’我們’領’’” ’我親身’歷’’’我’’’由“普’’”組成’聽眾’比’我教’’’’’學生’’’’快’抓’’個’’’’’快’接’’種論’’’’快’’白’種傾’’’’快’領’’種原’’’’不’說’學生智’’’’而’’們’生’實際脫’’而“普’”公民天天’身 ’日’生’中’對觸’’們’’’’’’’’需’’們解釋’ 關’’’’’而’不’獲’’生’’’’有’麼個’證’’’’我’’興趣’中’’’’’’’當’’’’’族’’’’’’有’朽不堪’’唯’原’’’有那麼’’’’’’’中’有成’’’’’’’’教’’’那’’唯’教’’偉’’’教團體’’’我們今天有’’’’’教團體’羅馬天’教’’羅馬天’教’’當’’’今天實’’’’種偉’’民’’’那’’’有’個’民’’’’’謙’而成不’ ’’’’有’個’’’’’’’’’而成不’教’’那’’歐’’’’’’’’個’’都’由學問’博’’’有’’’有’詣’’’’管’由’個’統’’’’偉’團體’’’’’’’管’’中’’’’’有’’’正’’’’’’不’’升’元’’’’’’’’’敞’’渠’裏獲’’’’偉’團體中普’民眾’元’’’我’’’’’’個’’有趣’’’’’’’’’’’’我’’’’及之’’’個’證’ ’’’’’’潔’’唯’’’’’’’’’種渠’’’’’’’樣’’有’’’’’’’’’謙’而成不’國’’’個組織成分’’樣’國’’’’裏’不’擁有’’’’’補’’’樣’’有’’’’曾’’’’’而’’’’’’屬’階’中脫’而’’’’而’’’’國’領’’’’’任’壓’’’’’’任’’’個機’’’個’之’’’’任’’礙’民百’’’’們灰心喪’’’’都’有’’’’之原’’’ 當我’’商’巨’’’’’’’立’’盟’’當我’’’們還’’續’麼做’’我’’’’’情不妙’’’種’’’’礙’’’’’’’’失’’’’高高’’’’類’盟’旨’壓’’’’民’’’們原’不動’’’’’們降’’’’’’’’’’’應不’打’’種’盟’’’’組織’偉’’民眾’體之間重’’’橋樑’ 今日’我們’’’’’’’’’’’手中’今日’有’種’’’’’有少數遴選’’’’階’’擁有執’’必備條件’今日’’’眾’勤勤懇懇’公民’’’’不公’’’打擊’成’’謬絕’’犧’’’說麼’民’’仁’’’’’’管’’’’’’手中獲’’個仁’’’’’說什麼雇Ⅸ們盡職盡’’’福’’’衛’’給’們’個仁’’’’’’’’今日’當務之’應’’個國’’’’’個國’’麼由’’’’’膛內’’’’’救’’麼滅’’國’’’’望’’’’’’’’’由’’湧不’’’井甘’’澆灌’’而不’’’’’’’族’’’實’’’’朵不’生’’而’’須’’’朵’天’’風中’’’貌’’’’’’’須獲’元’’’有生’’除’’’’’植 ’普’’’裏’梗莖中’’’分’’’’’不’’’’結’’’瑰’’’’有’’’’’’溫’’面’’有’’潤之’’’都’’’躺’’’’’’’’’’’生’源’’’’’用’’’’裏’’’’’’’’’’’’’’湧’生’之’’’’之’’’普普’’’’’裏’’’民’’’心’裏’升騰’今日’福之’’’望之’’’心之’’它們必’’’’’舊貌換’’’’’’’’輝’ 聽著’我們’’’’謂’’’’’’不’’’’民心中’’’釋’’’’’’之’’’國’’’偉’民族’正’’正’之’’’’之’’’望之’’民族’’’’’紮’’’’潔’’’’’’’’’’當’需’’正’’種’’’’’它’’我們實’’個’’民族’雄心壯志而掃’’路’ When I look back on the processes of history, when I survey the genesis of America, I see this written over every page: that the nations are renewed from the bottom, not from the top; that the genius which springs up from the ranks of unknown men is the genius which renews the youth and energy of the people. Everything I know about history, every bit of experience and observation that has contributed to my thought, has confirmed me in the conviction that the real wisdom of human life is compounded out of the experiences of ordinary men. The utility the vitality, the fruitage of life does not come from the top to the bottom it comes like the natural growth of a great tree, from the soil up through the trunk into the branches to the foliage and the fruit. The great struggling unknown masses of the men who are at the base of everything are the dynamic force that is lifting the levels of society. A nation is as great and only as great as her rank and file. So the first and chief need of this nation of ours to-day is to include in the partnership of government all those great bodies of unnamed men who are going to produce our future leaders and renew the future energies of America. And as I confess that, as I confess my belief in the common man, I know what I am saying. The man who is swimming against the stream knows the strength of it. The man who is in the melee knows what blows are being struck and what blood is being drawn. The man who is on the make is the judge of what is happening in America, not the man who has made good; not the man who has emerged from the flood; not the man who is standing on the bank looking on, but the man who is struggling for his life and for the lives of those who are dearer to him than himself. That is the man whose judgment will tell you what is going on in America; that is the man by whose judgment I, for one, wish to be guided. We have had the wrong jury; we have had the wrong group,―no, I will not say the wrong group, but too small a group,―in control of the policies of the United States. The average man has not been consulted, and his heart had begun to sink for fear he never would be consulted, and his heart had begun to sink for fear he never would be consulted again. Therefore, we have got to organize a government whose sympathies will be open to the whole body of the people of the United States, a government which will consult as large a proportion of the people of the United States as possible before it acts. Because the great problem of government is to know what the average man is experiencing and is thinking about. Most of us are average men; very few of us rise, except by fortunate accident, above the general level of the community about us; and therefore the man who thinks common thoughts, the man who has had common experiences is almost always the man who interprets America aright. Isn't that the reason that we are proud of such stories as the story of Abraham Lincoln,―a man who rose out of the ranks and interpreted America better than any man had interpreted it who had risen out of the privileged classes or the educated classes of America? The hope of the United States in the present and in the future is the same that it has always been: it is the hope and confidence that out of unknown homes will come men who will constitute themselves the masters of industry and of politics. The average hopefulness, the average welfare, the average enterprise, the average initiative, of the United States are the only things that make it rich. We are not rich because a few gentlemen direct our industry; we are rich because of our own intelligence and our own industry. America does not consist of men who get their names into the newspapers; America does not consist politically of the men who set themselves up to be political leaders; she does not consist of the men who do most of her talking,―they are important only so far as they speak for that great voiceless multitude of men who constitute the great body and the saving force of the nation. Nobody who cannot speak the common thought, who does not move by the common impulse, is the man to speak for America, or for any of her future purposes. Only he is fit to speak who knows the thoughts of the great body of citizens, the men who go about their business every day, the men who toil from morning till night, the men who go home tired in the evenings, the men who are carrying on the things we are so proud of. You know how it thrills our blood sometimes to think how all the nations of the earth wait to see what America is going to do with her power, her physical power, her enormous resources, her enormous wealth. The nations hold their breath to see what this young country will do with her young unspoiled strength; we cannot help but be proud that we are strong. But what has made us strong? The toil of millions of men, the toil of men who do not boast, who are inconspicuous, but who live their lives humbly from day to day; it is the great body of toilers that constitutes the might of America. It is one of the glories of our land that nobody is able to predict from what family, from what region, from what race, even, the leaders of the country are going to come. The great leaders of this country have not come very often from the established, "successful" families. I remember speaking at a school not long ago where I understood that almost all the young men were the sons of very rich people, and I told them I looked upon them with a great, deal of pity, because, I said: "Most of you fellows are doomed to obscurity. You will not do anything. You will never try to do anything, and with all the great tasks of the country waiting to be done. probably you are the very men who will decline to do them. Some man who has been 'up against it,' some man who has come out of the crowd, somebody who has had the whip of necessity laid on his back, will emerge out of the crowd, will show that he understands the crowd, understands the interests of the nation. united and not separated, and will stand up and lead us." If I may speak of my own experience, I have found audiences made up of the "common people" quicker to take a point, quicker to under- stand an argument, quicker to discern a tendency and to comprehend a principle, than many a college class that I have lectured to,― not because the college class lacked the intelligence. but because college boys are not in contact with the realities of life, while "common" citizens are in contact with the actual life of day by day: you do not have to explain to them what touches them to the quick. There is one illustration of the value of the constant renewal of society from the bottom that has always interested me profoundly. The only reason why government did not suffer dry rot in the Middle Ages under the aristocratic system which then prevailed was that so many of the men who were efficient instruments of government were drawn from the church,― from that great religious body which was then the only church, that body which we now distinguish from other religious bodies as the Roman Catholic Church. The Roman Catholic Church was then, as it is now, a great democracy. There was no peasant so humble that he might not become a priest, and no priest so obscure that he might not become Pope of Christendom; and every chancellery in Europe, every court in Europe, was ruled by these learned, trained and accomplished men,―the priesthood of that great and dominant body. What kept government alive in the Middle Ages was this constant rise of the sap from the bottom, from the rank and file of the great body of the people through the open channels of the priesthood. That, it seems to me, is one of the most interesting and convincing illustrations that could possibly be adduced of the thing that I am talking about. The only way that government is kept pure is by keeping these channels open, so that nobody may deem himself so humble as not to constitute a part of the body politic, so that there will constantly be coming new blood into the veins of the body politic; so that no man is so obscure that he may not break the crust of any class he may belong to, may not spring up to higher levels and be counted among the leaders of the state. Anything that depresses, anything that makes the organization greater than the man, anything that blocks, discourages, dismays the humble man, is against all the principles of progress. When I see alliances formed, as they are now being formed, by successful men of business with successful organizers of politics, I know that something has been done that checks the vitality and progress of society. Such an alliance, made at the top, is an alliance made to depress the levels, to hold them where they are, if not to sink them; and, therefore, it is the constant business of good politics to break up such partnerships, to re-establish and reopen the connections between the great body of the people and the offices of government. To-day, when our government has so far passed into the hands of special interests; to-day, when the doctrine is implicitly avowed that only select classes have the equipment necessary for carrying on government; to-day when the doctrine is implicitly avowed that only select classes have the equipment necessary for carrying on government; to-day, when so many conscientious citizens, smitten with the scene of social wrong and suffering, have fallen victims to the fallacy that benevolent government can be meted out to the people by kind-hearted trustees of prosperity and guardians of the welfare of dutiful employees―to-day, supremely, does it behoove this nation to remember that a people shall be saved by the power that sleeps in its own deep bosom, or by none; shall be renewed in hope, in conscience, in strength, by waters welling up from its own sweet, perennial springs. Not from above; not by patronage of its aristocrats. The flower does not bear the root, but the root the flower. Everything that blooms in beauty in the air of heaven draws its fairness, its vigor, from its roots. Nothing living can blossom into fruitage unless through nourishing stalks deep-planted in the common soil. The rose is merely the evidence of the vitality of the root; and the real source of its beauty, the very blush that it wears upon its tender cheek, comes from those silent sources of life that lie hidden in the chemistry of the soil. Up from that soil, up from the silent bosom of the earth, rise the currents of life and energy. Up from the common soil, up from the quiet heart of the people, rise joyously to-day streams of hope and determination bound to renew the face of the earth in glory. I tell you, the so-called radicalism of our times is simply the effort of nature to release the generous energies of our people. This great American people is at bottom just, virtuous, and hopeful; the roots of its being are in the soil of what is lovely, pure, and of good report, and the need of the hour is just that radicalism that will clear a way for the realization of the aspirations of a sturdy race. ’ |
