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喬’’弗裏斯比’’爾
(GEORGE FRISBIE HOAR)
反對’國’’
Against Imperialism
1898 Rocky Mountain News ’’’’’
’個’滿’’’’’’’’國’’’’’’’遠方插著’’
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讓我們’少有’’話’說’"’’我們’’輩手中接’’’’完’’’’"
1895’’’巴’民族’’’’動’反對’’’’’立戰’’’國公眾輿論支援’巴’’反’’1898’2月’國船隻"’’"號’’瓦那港’擊’’’’"黃’報’"對該’件’誇’’渲’’’’國引’’公憤’4月’’國’’’’交戰’’國’’擊潰’’’勒比’’菲’賓’’’’艦隊’1898’’’’’’’棄’對’巴’’’’把關’’’’黎’’菲’賓移交給’國管轄’
’國’’’’’戰’’國內引’’關’’國’國’’野心’’’’論’戰’給’國’’’’’領’’’種’論’’’’’最’’’反對’國’’’’算’麻’’’’黨議Ⅸ喬’’弗裏斯比’’爾(1826－1904)’’反對’’菲’賓’’論中’’爾’’’黨’裂’反對’國’’’’’失敗’’’’黨’統麥’萊’’"’救"菲’賓’民’’國’不’辭’’任’’國’’’菲’賓’’’遣’’’’隊’鎮壓當’’民’反抗’菲’賓終’’1946’’’’立’
’爾’1902’5月’參議’’’’’’講’
議Ⅸ們’’’種’見’談論’’’’’們’’重講’實際’’’’’’’’’統’生’’’4’裏’’論’’’’種’見之間’’論’雙方都提’’’’切實’’’’’’’那’方’’把’們’’’’諸’動’而’’方還’’’懇’’讓’們’’’’’採’實’’我們’’方’’堅’’’原’’’’原’’我們革’’輩’’’’’那’’’傳’’布’’’’’’’爾斯’薩’’’’’’’原’’’’類生而平等’’’’正當’’’’’統’’’’而產生’’正’’’’障’種’’’’們’’立’’’’個民族’’’裏’’不’’組織分散’街’’’落’’不’’民中’部分暫’’’不滿’’’而’’’’’個’’實體’民族’’都有’’’立’’’’’’而’’’’據’原’’用’組織’’’’方式’必須’’民’’’樣’最’’’障’們’’’’’福’遵’’’原’’’’’’’實際’採用’’國方’’’收’’滿’’’’’我們’輩’’’原’’基礎’’立’45個’’’’’’’’國’’’立’’’’’’’’’’滅’’’’’’’’’國’成’’’’最’由’最’’’最’’’盛’國’’’們’’’’成’’’’最有’’’’’’由’’’原’’’國’’條’’’對熱’它’’’說’’’朵’對’它’’’說’’’’’’’’飄揚’’’’’’維’著’平’’’’’’’中’’’’’平’’高’’’’’’’’國’’’’’’’’友’’’’’’’’
贊成’國’’’’友們’’們’有’們’’’’原’’’’’’’旦’條’’’個’方升’’永遠不應該降’’’’’’’’們不’’’手中’著’器’民族對話’談’’’’’’’’用’錢購’’國’’’’而該國’民’不’’售’種’’’’’’’’’用’’奪’’’國’’’’’’’’’’戰’’’
’們’’’’原’’導’’’’’’’? ’們’’’六億’元’’’’’’’’’’’’國’’生’’’我們最’’’’輕’’生’’踐踏’’國’民’’園’’’’’們身’’’’’’殺’’’數’’’’們’’們’立’集中營’’們’’’滿載著戰’’凱旋而’’’’’’數傷’殘瘋’’們’’’中’’掙扎終’’生’’’’’’眼中’’條’成’基督教教堂裏褻’’’’’’殺’’標’’
3’’’當’國’’’’’’嶼’’陸’’那裏’’民成’結隊’尾’著’們’把’們’’’救’’’對’們’’’’’而’們’採’’’綱’’’’那裏’’民’把’們變成’’我們不’戴天’敵’’’我們結’’’’’仇’’
有’我’’我們’’’首都豎’’’’國’由’’’’’高’’它’’’首都唯’’’’我們’’’’’’而’樸’’華盛’’’’’’’’’’’我’像我們’’’’’著’詞’’’唯’’’’’由’’’’’’’’’們對’由民’’’’’
移民’’’’’國’教’’’’諾’教’那’’’’’’’’’’’豪’說’’"我們跨’’’’把’由’’’’’’’’’’’’我們’墾’野’’’’’’野’’我們’基督教’’由’’’’’國奠’’基礎’"
’’’’’’’’’’說’"’輩奠基’我們’’’我們離’’’’’’’野’’’我們’’’學’’’’’教堂’"
接著’殖民’’期’’’’走’’說’"我們’’’’’’戰’中’’’國’邊’幫’壓’’國’’’’’’’路’斯堡’魁’’’國敗給’’國’我們’馬提尼’’’瓦那’’’著’喬’’’勳章’’勝’’’’’風暴’’’我們’熟’它’’’’我們頂酷暑’’’’’’斬’’走’闖’’’’’魚’正’偉’’’國’說’’’’’"我’漁船’’’’’’’’考驗’’風暴’’我辛勞’見證"’
接著’國革’’期’’’’走’’’說’’"我們’’國’生’衝’’我們’’’立而’贏’’’立’我們’’立’言’永’’平等正’’基礎’’’’’’’’’’原’’’有’天’’類都’遵’’’準’’我們’’類’’’’’’’障’’’民贏’’管’’’’’’’我們’’’防’’’欺’’’’措’’’障’民’’’’我們創’’最高’’’參議’’’天’’第’’讓’民’’’’’有’’障’我們還’立’’種’’’’障’民永遠’有’種’’’
’’’’說’"我們’’’國’生衝’’我們’衛’國船隻’公’’不’騷’’’’’’像當’我們’’老創’條件讓’國’民’’樂’那樣’我們讓’國’手走’天’’角’’有’障’面對’’普’奧’國’’’’盟’我們’’’’羅’’’原’’’’羅’’’’’’’’六個’’國組成’’盟’’’’’’五’湖’’’角’’’都’立’’’國’’國都’’’’握’’’’’’’維’’國’’’’’"
接著’’’’走’’說’"我們’’’驚天動’’’’’’們’’候曾見’’’們’’輩曾給’們講’’我們’救’’邦’平’’’亂’解’’奴隸’我們讓’有’奴隸都成’’由’’讓’有’’由’都成’公民’’讓’有’公民都有’選’’’"
接著走’’’’內戰’’’平’’’期立’豐’偉’’’’’’’偉’中’’’’我們當中不少’’’’’’們說’"我們’’用’’還’債務’我們’’’’解’’而不’戰’’我們’’’國贊成’實踐有關移’國’’’’’我們’’’分給’’移民’’’’’’讓’百’移民’’’’’原’平原’’’落戶’’立’’’’’’我們’’’橫’’’’陸’接’’’’’’路’’’橡當’我們’’輩’’’國’’’’’立那樣’我們’’’國’’’’方面’’不’賴’國’我們’立’’’’商’體’’’’國成’’’’最’有’最’由’最’’’最’福’國’’"
’’輪’我們’’’’’’我們該說’什麼’?
我們’’’’身’’’’’’’’? 我們’’’’’’’’"我們’除’’立’言’改變’’羅’’’’’’統’’’’’永’’平等’正’’原’改’殘忍’’’’’’原’’我們’毀’’’唯’’’’國’對’’唯’’’基督教’民族’動’戰’’把原’正’’戰’轉化成’’’’’正’’戰’’我們’污’’條’’’戰’中’’棄’’’迫手’’’’’們’’’殘殺’童’’立集中營’踐踏’國領’’’’’’個民族對’由’’’’"
不’’統’生’我們’不’’樣說’’’’’綱應’採’’’個偉’民族’歷’’’’’’’’’情還’有’’’不’’救’’’’
讓我們’少有’’話’說’"我們’堅’’’輩們’原’’我們解’’’巴’’’巴掙脫’’’’’’期統’’我們’’’巴’’’’’民族’’’中’’我們’勝’面’’’謙虛謹’’’’類樹立’’未有’’’樣’’’我們’’’’殘酷野’’有敵’’國’’’’有’’’’不圖報’’我們’善報’’’’報’’我們’’國’’方’’像’’方’樣’’戴’我們’’菲’賓’民’’’我們’’’歷’’我們’有’污國’’’’’我們’’輩手中接’’’’完’’’’"[’場熱’’’’]
Gentlemen
talk about sentimentalities, about idealism.
They like practical statesmanship better. But, Mr. President, this whole debate
for the last four
years has been a debate between two kinds of
sentimentality. There has been practical statesmanship
in plenty on both sides. Your side have carried
their sentimentalities and ideals out in your
practical statesmanship. The other side have
tried and begged to be allowed to carry theirs
out in practical statesmanship also. On one side
have been sentimentalities. They were the
ideals of the fathers of the revolutionary time, and from their day down till
the day of Abraham
Lincoln and Charles Sumner was over. The
sentimentalities were that all men in political right were created equal; that
governments derive their
just powers from the consent of the governed, and
are instituted to secure that equality;
that every people－not
every scattering neighborhood or settlement without organic life, not every
portion of a people who may be
temporarily discontented, but the political being that we call a people－has
the right to institute
a government for itself and to lay its foundation on
such principles and organize its powders in
such form as to it and not to any other people shall
seem most likely to effect its safety and
happiness. Now, a good deal of practical statesmanship
has followed from these ideals and
sentimentalities. They have built forty-five states on
firm foundations. They have covered South America
with republics. They have kept despotism out
of the Western Hemisphere. They have made the
United States the freest, strongest, richest of the nations of the world. They have made the
word "republic" a name to conjure by the round world over. By their virtue the American
flag－beautiful
as a flower to those who love it;
terrible as a meteor to those who hate it－floats
everywhere over peaceful seas, and is
welcomed everywhere in friendly ports as the emblem
of peaceful supremacy and sovereignty in the commerce of the world. . . .
You also,
my imperialistic friends, have had your ideals
and your sentimentalities. One is that the flag
shall never be hauled down where it has once
floated. Another is that you will not talk or
reason with a people with arms in their hands.
Another is that sovereignty over an unwilling people may be bought with gold.
And another is
that sovereignty may be got by force of arms, as
the booty of battle or the spoils of victory.
What has
been the practical statesmanship which comes
from your ideals and your sentimentalities? You have wasted six hundred millions
of treasure. You have sacrificed nearly ten thousand
American lives－the
flower of our youth. You
have devastated provinces. You have slain
uncounted thousands of the people you desire to
benefit. You have established reconcentration camps. Your generals are coming home from
their harvest, bringing their sheaves with them, in
the shape of other thousands of sick and
wounded and insane to drag out their miserable
lives, wrecked in body and mind. You make the
American flag in the eyes of a numerous people the emblem of sacrilege in
Christian churches, and
of the burning of human dwellings, and of the horror of the water torture ....
Your
practical statesmanship has succeeded in converting
a people who three years ago were ready to
kiss the hem of the garment of the American
and to welcome him as a liberator, who thronged
after your men when they landed on those
islands with benediction and gratitude, into sullen
and irreconcilable enemies, possessed of a hatred which centuries cannot
eradicate. ...
I have
sometimes fancied that we might erect here in
the capital of the country a column to American
Liberty which alone might rival in height the
beautiful and simple shaft which we have erected
to the fame of the Father of the Country. I
can fancy each generation bringing its
inscription, which should recite its own contribution to the great structure of
which the column should be but the symbol.
The
generation of the Puritan and the Pilgrim and the Huguenot claims the place of honor at the
base. "I brought the torch of Freedom across the sea. I cleared the forest. I
subdued the savage and the wild beast. I laid in Christian
liberty and law the foundations of empire."
The next
generation says: "What my fathers founded I
builded. I left the seashore to penetrate the wilderness. I planted schools and
colleges and courts and churches."
Then
comes the generation of the great colonial day: "I stood by the side of England
on many a
hard-fought field. I helped humble the power of
France. I saw the lilies go down before the lion at
Louisburg and Quebec. I carried the cross of St.
George in triumph in Martinique and the Havana.
I knew the stormy pathways of the ocean. I
followed the whale from the Arctic to the
Antarctic seas, among tumbling mountains of ice and
under equinoctial heat, as the great English
orator said, 'No sea not vexed by my fisheries;
no climate not witness to my toils.' "
Then
comes the generation of the revolutionary time: "I encountered the power of
England. I declared and won the independence of my country.
I placed that declaration on the eternal
principles of justice and righteousness which all
mankind have read, and on which all mankind will
one day stand. I affirmed the dignity of human nature and the right of the
people to govern
themselves. I devised the securities against
popular haste and delusion which made that right
secure. I created the supreme court md the
Senate. For the first time in history I made the
right of the people to govern themselves safe, and established institutions for
that end which
will endure forever."
The next
generation says: "I encountered England
again. I vindicated the right of an American ship to sail the seas the wide
world over without
molestation. I made the American sailor as safe at
the ends of the earth as my fathers had made the
American farmer safe in his home. I proclaimed
the Monroe Doctrine in the face of the Holy
Alliance, under which sixteen republics have joined the family of nations. I
filled the Western
Hemisphere -with republics from the Lakes to Cape
Horn, each controlling its own destiny in
safety and in honor."
Then
comes the next generation: "I did the mighty deeds
which in your younger years you saw and which
your fathers told. I saved the Union. I put
down the rebellion. I freed the slave. I made
of every slave a freeman, and of every
freeman a citizen, and of every citizen a voter."
Then
comes another who did the great work in peace, in
which so many of you had an honorable share: "I kept the faith. I paid the debt.
I brought in
conciliation and peace instead of war. I
secured in the practice of nations the great
doctrine of expatriation. I devised the homestead
system. I covered the prairie and the plain with
happy homes and with mighty states. I crossed
the continent and joined together the seas with my
great railroads. I declared the manufacturing independence of America, as my
fathers affirmed its political independence. I built up our vast
domestic commerce. I made my country the
richest, freest, strongest, happiest people on
the face of the earth."
And now
what have we to say? What have we to say?
Are we to have a place in that honorable company? Must we engrave on that
column: "We repealed the Declaration of Independence. We changed the Monroe Doctrine from a doctrine of eternal
righteousness and justice,
resting on the consent of the governed, to a doctrine of brutal selfishness,
looking only to our
own advantage. We crushed the only republic in
Asia. We made war on the only Christian
people in the East. We converted a war of glory
to a war of shame. We vulgarized the
American flag. We introduced perfidy into the
practice of war. We inflicted torture on unarmed men to extort confession. We
put children to death. We established reconcentrado camps. We
devastated provinces. We baffled the aspirations
of a people for liberty."
No, Mr.
President. Never! Never! Other and better
counsels will yet prevail. The hours are long in the
life of a great people. The irrevocable step is not yet taken.
Let us at
least have this to say: "We, too, have kept the
faith of the fathers. We took Cuba by the hand. We
delivered her from her age-long bondage. We
welcomed her to the family of nations. We set mankind an example never beheld before of
moderation in victory. We led hesitating and halting Europe to the deliverance
of their
beleaguered ambassadors in China. We marched
through a hostile country－a
country cruel and
barbarous－without
anger or revenge. We returned benefit for injury, and pity for cruelty.
We made the name of America beloved in the East as in the West. We kept faith with the
Philippine people. We kept faith with our own
history. We kept our national honor unsullied.
The flag which we received without a rent we handed down without a stain." [Applause on the floor and in the
galleries.]
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