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What Does The Working Man Want?
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. . . My
friends, we have met here today to celebrate the idea that has prompted
thousands of working-people of Louisville and New Albany to parade the streets
of [our city] that prompts the toilers of Chicago to turn out by their fifty or
hundred thousand of men; that prompts the vast army of wage-workers in New York
to demonstrate their enthusiasm and appreciation of the importance of this idea;
that prompts the toilers of England, Ireland, Germany, France, Italy, Spain, and
Austria to defy the manifestos of the autocrats of the world and say that on May
the first, 1890, the wage-workers of the world will lay down their tools in
sympathy with the wage-workers of America, to establish a principle of
limitations of hours of labor to eight hours for sleep [applause], eight hours
for work, and eight hours for what we will.
[Applause. ]
It has
been charged time and again that were we to have more hours of leisure we would
merely devote it to debauchery, to the cultivation of vicious habits¡Ðin
other words, that we would get drunk. I desire to say this in answer to that
charge: As a rule, there are two classes in society who get drunk. One is the
class who has no work to do in consequence of too much money; the other class,
who also has no work to do, because it can't get any, and gets drunk on its
face. [Laughter.] I maintain that that class in our social life that exhibits
the greatest degree of sobriety is that class who are able, by a fair number of
hours of day's work to earn fair wages¡Ðnot
overworked. The man who works twelve, fourteen, and sixteen hours a day requires
some artificial stimulant to restore the life ground out of him in the drudgery
of the day. [Applause.]...
We ought
to be able to discuss this question on a higher ground, and I am pleased to say
that the movement in which we are engaged will stimulate us to it. They tell us
that the eight hour movement can not be enforced, for the reason that it must
check industrial and commercial progress. I say that the history of this
country, in its industrial and commercial relations, shows the reverse. I say
that is the plane on which this question ought to be discussed¡Ðthat
is the social question. As long as they make this question an economic one, I am
willing to discuss it with them. I would retrace every step I have taken to
advance this movement did it mean industrial and commercial stagnation. But it
does not mean that. It means greater prosperity; it means a greater degree of
progress for the whole people; it means more advancement and intelligence, and a
nobler race of people. . . .
They say
they can't afford it. Is that true? Let us see for one moment. If a reduction in
the hours of labor causes industrial and commercial ruination, it would
naturally follow increased hours of labor -would increase the prosperity,
commercial and industrial. If that -were true, England and America ought to be
at the tail end, and
China
at the head of civilization. [Applause. ]
Is it not
a fact that we find laborers in England and the United States, where the hours
are eight, nine and ten hours a day¡Ðdo
we not find that the employers and laborers are more successful? Don't -we find
them selling articles cheaper? We do not need to trust the modern moralist to
tell us those things. In all industries where the hours of labor are long, there
you will find the least development of the power of invention. Where the hours
of labor are long, men are cheap, and where men are cheap there is no necessity
for invention. How can you expect a man to work ten or twelve or fourteen hours
at his calling and then devote any time to the invention of a machine or
discovery of a new principle or force? If he be so fortunate as to be able to
read a paper he will fall asleep before he has read through the second or third
line. [Laughter.]
Why, when
you reduce the hours of labor, say an hour a day, just think what it means.
Suppose men who work ten hours a day had the time lessened to nine, or men who
work nine hours a day have it reduced to eight hours; what does it mean? It
means millions of golden hours and opportunities for thought. Some men might say
you will go to sleep. Well, some men might sleep sixteen hours a day; the
ordinary man might try that, but he would soon find he could not do it long. He
would have to do something. He would probably go to the theater one night, to a
concert another night, but he could not do that every night. He would probably
become interested in some study and the hours that have been taken from manual
labor are devoted to mental labor, and the mental labor of one hour will produce
for him more wealth than the physical labor of a dozen hours. [Applause.]
I
maintain that this is a true proposition¡Ðthat
men under the short-hour system not only have opportunity to improve themselves,
but to make a greater degree of prosperity for their employers. Why, my friends,
how is it in China, how is it in Spain, how is it in India and Russia, how is it
in Italy? Cast your eye throughout the universe and observe the industry that
forces nature to yield up its fruits to man's necessities, and you will find
that where the hours of labor are the shortest the progress of invention in
machinery and the prosperity of the people are the greatest. It is the greatest
impediment to progress to hire men cheaply. Wherever men are cheap, there you
find the least degree of progress. It has only been under the great influence of
our great republic, where our people have exhibited their great senses, that we
can move forward, upward and onward, and are watched with interest in our
movements of progress and reform....
The man
who works the long hours has no necessities except the barest to keep body and
soul together, so he can work. He goes to sleep and dreams of work; he rises in
the morning to go to work; he takes his frugal lunch to work; he comes home
again to throw himself down on a miserable apology for a bed so that he can get
that little rest that he may be able to go to work again. He is nothing but a
veritable machine. He lives to work instead of working to live. [Loud applause.
]
My
friends, the only thing the working people need besides the necessities of life,
is time. Time. Time with which our lives begin; time with which our lives close;
time to cultivate the better nature within us; time to brighten our homes. Time,
which brings us from the lowest condition up to the highest civilization; time,
so that we can raise men to a higher plane.
My
friends, you will find that it has been ascertained that there is more than a
million of our brothers and sisters¡Ðable-bodied
men and women¡Ðon
the streets, and on the highways and byways of our country willing to work but
who cannot find it. You know that it is the theory of our government that we can
work or cease to work at will. It is only a theory. You know that it is only a
theory and not a fact. It is true that we can cease to work when we want to, but
I deny that we can work when we will, so long as there are a million idle men
and women tramping the streets of our cities, searching for work. The theory
that we can work or cease to work when we will is a delusion and a snare. It is
a lie.
What we
want to consider is, first, to make our employment more secure, and, secondly,
to make wages more permanent, and, thirdly, to give these poor people a chance
to work. The laborer has been regarded as a mere producing machine . . . but
back of labor is the soul of man and honesty of purpose and aspiration. Now you
can not, as the political economists and college professors, say that labor is a
commodity to be bought and sold. I say we are American citizens with the
heritage of all the great men who have stood before us; men who have sacrificed
all in the cause except honor. Our enemies would like to see this movement
thrust into hades, they would like to see it in a warmer climate [laughter], but
I say to you that this labor movement has come to stay. [Loud applause.] Like
Banquo's ghost, it will not down. [Applause.] I say the labor movement is a
fixed fact. It has grown out of the necessities of the people, and, although
some may desire to see it fail, still the labor movement will be found to have a
strong lodgment in the hearts of the people, and we will go on until success has
been achieved.
We want
eight hours and nothing less. We have been accused of being selfish, and it has
been said that we will want more; that last year we got an advance of ten cents
and now we want more. We do want more. You will find that a man generally wants
more. Go and ask a tramp what he wants, and if he doesn't want a drink he will
want a good, square meal. You ask a workingman, who is getting two dollars a
day, and he will say that he wants ten cents more. Ask a man who gets five
dollars a day and he will want fifty cents more. The man who receives five
thousand dollars a year wants six thousand dollars a year, and the man who owns
eight or nine hundred thousand dollars will want a hundred thousand dollars more
to make it a million, while the man who has his millions will want every thing
he can lay his hands on and then raise his voice against the poor devil who
wants ten cents more a day. We live in the latter part of the Nineteenth
century. In the age of electricity and steam that has produced wealth a hundred
fold, we insist that it has been brought about by the intelligence and energy of
the workingmen, and while we find that it is now easier to produce it is harder
to live. We do want more, and when it becomes more, we shall still want more.
[Applause.] And we shall never cease to demand more until we have received the
results of our labor. ...
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