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弗’’裏’’’’’斯
(FREDERICK DOUGLASS)
’’國黑’’’’’’言
Speech at the National Convention of Colored Men
’’’鬥’換’’’由比’’’予’’由’爲’’’
國內戰’’’’’’’條憲’’正’’’障黑’’’項’’’第’’條’正’’止’’’’迫勞’’第’’條’正’賦予’個’生’’衆國’’化’衆國’’’公民’身’’’’止任’’’’未’’當’’’式’’任’剝奪公民’’項’’’’們’生’’’由’’産’’’’第’五條’正’’證公民’選’’’國’’1875’還’’’’項“公民’’’”’該’’’止’’’’公交車輛’’’等公’場’’種族’視’爲’’’白’’’’’黑’完’’’’’憲’’’’’1877’國’’隊’’方’’’“重’’動”’’’終’
正當’’白’’爲做’那’’’而’必’’’’而’’心滿’足’’候’黑’還’續’’極’’’’文’’’’’還’續’’種族’視’黑’領’們試圖組織’’黑’’’’’’’’而’們’’’’’’成’’’’分裂’
1883’9月24日’’’說’弗’’裏’’’’’斯’’塔基’’路’斯’爾’’’’’國黑’’’’做’’講’’’’黑’爲什麽’爲’’’’’而鬥’’原’做’闡釋’僅’’個’期之’’’國最高’’’1883’10月l 5日’推翻’1875’’公民’’’’’互’稱公’場’’種族’視’’’憲’’不矛’’失’’’’支援’戰’憲’’正’’’方成’’’’文’而採’’’推’種族’離’“’視黑’’”’’’’’’’揭’
’’有’’顯’著驚’’厭煩’’’問我們’“’個國’’黑’除’’們’’’’’’’還’’’什麽’?而’還’給’們’什麽’?”據說’們’’曾’’奴隸’而’’’由’’’們’’曾’’’民’而’’成’’’’’們’’曾’’排除’’國’有’憲’之’’’今’’’’’’有’’’之中’而’成’公’’那’部分公民’那麽’’們爲什麽’’’’國黑’’’’’而’’們’’’白’’’之間劃’’’’’’?我們’不’’’’問’’中’’’’中’’’’’不’’’避’’’答覆’’問’’’’’’論’’’爲我們’’有忘’’那’’我們提’’類問’’’們中間不僅有’’對我們’本不予’’情’’’’’’有’’對我們’予’’’’’’’而’不管’麽說’們’應該’’’個答覆’’’
’’對我們’說’由’’’有’’’公民’身’’’’種欺’’而選’’’今’’’’個’情’’’’我們’還’’’爲’個國’’’’健’’公正’’’而’’’’’’爲’’’個民族’’’’公正’’不論它當’’’符’’們’需’’’個民族’還有’望’’而’’’個國’’它’實際’動’它’憲’’公正’’’不’生矛’之’不’’’’個國’’黑’’’’’’’’’’’’’爲’’’’’由’擔心’’’們’膚’而對’’’’們’’種欺’
凌’’’順’’結’’’證’’們’’簡’不’’有’論’’’由’’實’’’由’’不用說’’’據做’’’’個原’’’們都應該’’們’’’’’’’’’們’’’集’議’當衆’’’’’’’們’’’’’’情’’’對’們’’’’欺壓凌’’’’’有組織’抗議’’不應’’那’’懦’’議’而’把’’’’’面’牆’’
’獲’’由’’們’’’’參’戰鬥’我們不’’’們’’對我們說’那’話’黑’’民族’’中’醜’’’’不讓’們’’’面’對’們’’有’’’’’’’’’’’鬥’換’’’由比’’’予’’由’爲’’’’’’’’話’’們不太關心那’不關心’’’’’’’
’’’個國’’六百’黑’’’’衆國’憲’爲’器’用’們’’’’百’’選票’’’’’百’關心’’’’’白’’支援’還’有足夠’’’’智’組織’’’’’’’’不’欺凌’’視’壓迫’話’那麽’望民’黨’’’’’’個’黨’把’們組織’’’’’讓它’關心’們’’’’’不’有什麽用’’’’類’’’’’’’’動’不’’傷’’’爲它們不’’’講話’’不’爲它們’’’’’說’什麼’’我們’’’而’必須爲我們’’’’’說話’’’’’本’’替我們講話’’國有’’’爾蘭’議’’’’’爾蘭’不曾爲’們’’說話’’國’不’有’樣’’議’’’爲’爾蘭’’’’’’’把’們’’’’’們’眼’’’’’’’’幫’’們’當’’’’爲華盛’’’’’’’’’’脫把’’投’’國’’立戰’’’之’反對種族’視’問’’’應該說我們’’’裏公’集’’我們’身邊’有任’’’’’國’民’眼睛都’’著我們’’’有’’’報’選擇報’我們’’’’說’’’做’’切’它們’’完’’照我們’’’’’’智’’’而’揚’譴’我們’
我們老老實實’把’’’’’們面’’’請’們對我們’做’’’’評’’
’我們提請’們’’’’’’’問’中有’個’’最爲次’’問’’’’方勞動階’’’’問’’’們’’’’’’’’勞動階’’’’’’國’’’’’都不應該’棄’’部分有’’’’’’’
勞動’’’’欠’’’勞動’必需’有’’及勞動’’’’’’獲’’’’’’天辛辛’’’勞動’換’’’’整天辛勤勞動’報’’’著勞動’本身智’’’’’’們’提高資本’原有價值’’’’’爲’’’’而組織’’’’’’’’’’’’驗中’’’’’’’’’’有’種奴隸’資’’滋’不比當奴隸’
凌’’’’少’而’’領’資’奴隸’’’’’’奴隸’樣’’’’’’
’’’’’’’’’式’’’資’欺’’方勞動’’手’’謂最高’’它’’’’’面’公平’’’而實際’’’勞動’’完’聽憑’’’’老闆’’’’勞動’’像’夾’’’’塊’石之間’最終’’成’末’’’手’’勞動’’’’’’商’購’’’’’除’剩’’’本’’不’’’’’’’’’’公平’賣’動機’言’由’’’’’’僅僅’’’’錢不值’仲介’’勞動’’覺’’論’虧’少’’把它們’’’’樣’’’’們’’’’’’’’結’’’’們變’’’’’’
’老闆們用最次’商’’最高’價’打’’’勞動’’而’’’對’們說’’’’’’’’’什麽’’’’’’’’’’’’’種做’’勞動’’’’債’’而’’’’’’’’’’’’’不’樣做’而’把’’’給’由民’種’’公頃’’’’’’’’’’’’高’’售’塊’’’價錢’’’’種欺’’’’做’’’們不’’’’不’’’’’’’脾’’’據說黑’’’對’種獲’’們勞動’條件’’不滿’’’讓’們’’’’’’’’’壓迫’’’’’個最’’心’’議’’’’’黑’’支’’勞動報’僅’’’’’’商’’’’’價值’’’’’除’’’’們身’分文’而’由’’種’’’手’’’們’’縛’’’’手中’’’’’’黑’聽說’’’’’’而’’走’’’’’’’’’’’’而’’們’’’’’麽做’’’’
’’個像我們’樣’’個由’民執’’國’裏’’階’’’’教’對國’’’福’’’’它’生’都’極爲重’’’’’’’普’’’’’實’
’據’’’提’當’國’’們見’1880’統’數’’顯示’’’’驚’普’文’’’’’’不’’’驚’
’’’’’’弊端’問’’’個’肅’問’’當’’’望有錢’’善’’’’’’’’不夠’’普’’’文’’’’那’’’’而’’不’’爲’們’’輕’提’足夠’教’手’’’而’’論’種’像有’麽’重’’國’民’’’接關心生’’’塊’’’’’’個’’’教’’任’’部分’國’’’’都’引’’’’國’’極’關’’’’’’疑問’’們有’’’那’’迫’’們’學’’’’’’
國’’’有巨’’’’’’夠’健’之公立’學教’’福’’’’國’戶’’’’裏’’’不給’們’’福’’’等’對永’’’’’’最’’’’證’而不’’做爲’國’民中’’部分’我們必須’分重視團結那’’’談’’個問’’’們’必須’’們’’’’敦’國’’’’次’議’爲扶’教’’重’國策打’基礎’’’
’公民’方面對黑’’犯’’’’’’’’著’’而’’’K黨’’’’動’’’’比’劃’詭’’票’’薄’投票等手’對我們’’種’’’’’犯’’’’’’’’’滿’’’’聽’’’’反’’極’’黑’’’’那’個’裏’有黑’’’’’們’’’’’’’壓’’實際’’’’個’’黑’公民’剝奪’公民’’憲’’’蔑視’憲’條文不’生’’’’切部’’生’’’黨’及歷’’’黨’’’眼皮’’’
偉’’奧’內爾曾’說’’爾蘭’歷’’’像’’’中’’’跡’’’個傷Ⅸ那樣’溯’’’’’方黑’’歷’’完’’’說’’樣’情’’
’們’’’’’’面’’著生’’’’衝’投票’’’們曾’’’’’摒棄而’’’’’滅’對’們’說’本’不’’’國’’’’憲’’
’們正’’’’個不’天’’’’’憲’’’邪’’殘暴’該’’陰謀集團’鎮壓’’’’不堪’目’情’面’’’’麼’夠’’’之?有’’黑’領’還’讓’’’’’’?
’不’黨’’問’’’’’’’’’’問’’’’’個關’’’類應該’’’’’’’還’’’’’’’風’’中任’’割’問’’’關’’由’’還’由’’之衆’’’個國’’問’’’關’’憲’中莊’之’’諾言應該’’’壯’’諸實踐還’’鄙’’’藉’’撕毀’問’’’’個關鍵’問’’’我們’’’’個’國’都’’’監督我們’任’’種’’’’都不’爲任’’個’選’之’’有答應’’’’’’’國’賦予’們’’切’’’’證黑’’’投票’’’路’’’’國’’’路’樣平’’筆’’’’’任’黨’’’’務’’’
’有任’’個階’’任’’種膚’’’應當成爲’個國’裏排’’統’’’’’不言而喻’問’’’’’’’樣’種統’階’’那麼’當’’’’奴’階’’而’’旦’’’種情’’那麼’個民有’民’’民’’’’’’’’’’’失’
With apparent
surprise, astonishment and impatience we have been asked: "What more can the
colored people of this country want than they now have, and what more is
possible to them?" It is said they were once slaves, they are now free; they
were once subjects, they are now sovereigns; they were once outside of all
American institutions, they are now inside of all and are a recognized part of
the whole American people. Why, then, do they hold Colored National Conventions
and thus insist upon keeping up the color line between themselves and their
white fellow countrymen? We do not deny the pertinence and plausibility of these
questions, nor do we shrink from a candid answer to the argument which they are
supposed to contain. For we do not forget that they are not only put to us by
those who have no sympathy with us, but by many who wish us well, and that in
any case they deserve an answer. . . .
If
liberty, with us, is yet but a name, our citizenship is but a sham, and our
suffrage thus far only a cruel mockery, we may yet congratulate ourselves upon
the fact, that the laws and institutions of the country are sound, just and
liberal. There is hope for a people when their laws are righteous, whether for
the moment they conform to their requirements or not. But until this nation
shall make its practice accord with its Constitution and its righteous laws, it
will not do to reproach the colored people of this country with keeping up the
color line－for
that people would prove themselves scarcely worthy of even theoretical freedom,
to say nothing of practical freedom, if they settled down in silent, servile and
cowardly submission to their wrongs, from fear of making their color visible.
They are bound by every element of manhood to hold conventions, in their own
name, and on their own behalf, to keep their grievances before the people and
make every organized protest against the wrongs inflicted upon them within their
power. They should scorn the counsels of cowards, and hang their banner on the
outer wall.
Who would
be free, themselves must strike the blow. We do not believe, as we are often
told, that the Negro is the ugly child of the National family, and the more he
is kept out of sight the better it will be for him. You know that liberty given
is never so precious as liberty sought for and fought for. The man outraged is
the man to make the outcry. Depend upon it, men will not care much for people
who do not care for themselves. . . .
If the
six millions of colored people of this country, armed with the Constitution of
the United States, with a million votes of their own to lean upon, and millions
of white men at their back, whose hearts are responsive to the claims of
humanity, have not sufficient spirit and wisdom to organize and combine to
defend themselves from outrage, discrimination and oppression, it will be idle
for them to expect that the Republican party or any other political party will
organize and combine for them or care what becomes of them. Men may combine to
prevent cruelty to animals, for they are dumb and cannot speak for themselves;
but we are men and must speak for ourselves, or we shall not be spoken for at
all. We have conventions in America for Ireland, but we should have none if
Ireland did not speak for herself. It is because she makes a noise and keeps her
cause before the people that other people go to her help. It was the sword of
Washington that gave Independence the sword of Lafayette. In conclusion upon
this color objection, we have to say that we meet here in open daylight. There
is nothing sinister about us. The eyes of the nation are upon us. Ten thousand
newspapers may tell if they choose of whatever is said and done here. They may
commend our wisdom or condemn our folly, precisely as we shall be wise or
foolish.
We put
ourselves before them as honest men, and ask their judgment upon our work.
Not the least important among the subjects to which we invite your earnest
attention is the condition of the laboring class at the South. Their cause is
one with the laboring classes all over the world. The labor unions of the
country should not throw away this colored element of strength....
What labor everywhere wants, what it ought to have and will some day demand
and receive, is an honest day's pay for an honest day's work. As the laborer
becomes more intelligent he will develop what capital already possess－that
is the power to organize and combine for its own protection. Experience
demonstrates that there may be a wages of slavery only a little less galling and
crushing in its effects than chattel slavery, and that this slavery of wages
must go down with the other. . . .
No more crafty and effective device for defrauding the Southern laborer
could be adopted than the one that substitutes orders upon shopkeepers for
currency in payment of wages. It has the merit of a show of honesty, while it
puts the laborer completely at the mercy of the landowner and the shop-keeper.
He is between the upper and the nether millstones and is hence ground to dust.
It gives the shop-keeper a customer who can trade with no other storekeeper, and
thus leaves the latter no motive for fair dealing except his own moral sense,
which is never too strong. While the laborer holding the orders is tempted by
their worthlessness as a circulating medium, to get rid of them at any
sacrifice, and hence is led into extravagance and consequent destitution.
The merchant puts him off with his poorest commodities at highest prices, and
can say to him take those or nothing. Worse still. By this means the laborer is
brought into debt, and hence is kept always in the power of the landowner. When
this system is not pursued and land is rented to the freedman, he is charged
more for the use of an acre of land for a single year than the land would bring
in the market if offered for sale. On such a system of fraud and wrong one might
well invoke a bolt from heaven－red
with uncommon wrath.
It is said if the colored people do not like the conditions upon which
their labor is demanded and secured, let them leave and go elsewhere. A more
heartless suggestion never emanated from an oppressor. Having for years paid
them in shop orders, utterly worthless outside the shop to which they are
directed, without a dollar in their pockets, brought by this crafty process into
bondage to the land-owners, who can and would arrest them if they should attempt
to leave them when they are told to go....
It is everywhere an accepted truth, that in a country governed by the
people, like ours, education of the youth of all classes is vital to its
welfare, prosperity, and to its existence.
In the light of this unquestioned proposition, the patriot cannot but view
with a shudder the widespread and truly alarming illiteracy as revealed by the
census of 1880.
The question as to how this evil is to be remedied is an important one.
Certain it is that it will not do to trust to the philanthropy of wealthy
individuals or benevolent societies to remove it. The States in which this
illiteracy prevails either cannot or will not provide adequate systems of
education for their own youth. But however this may be, the fact remains that
the whole country is directly interested in the education of every child that
lives within its borders. The ignorance of any part of the American people so
deeply concerns all the rest that there can be no doubt of the right to pass
laws compelling the attendance of every child at school....
The National Government, with its immense resources, can carry the benefits
of a sound common-school education to the door of every poor man from Maine to
Texas, and to withhold this boon is to neglect the greatest assurance it has of
its own perpetuity. As a part of the American people we unite most emphatically
with others who have already spoken on this subject, in urging Congress to lay
the foundation for a great national system of aid to education at its next
session. . . .
Flagrant as have been the outrages committed upon colored citizens in
respect to their civil rights, more flagrant, shocking and scandalous still have
been the outrages committed upon our political rights, by means of bull-dozing
and Kukiuxing, Mississippi plans, fraudulent counts, tissue ballots and the like
devices. Three States in which the colored people outnumber the white population
are without colored representation and their political voice suppressed. The
colored citizens in those States are virtually disfranchised, the Constitution
held in utter contempt and its provisions nullified. This has been done in the
face of the Republican party and successive Republican Administrations.
It was once said by the great O'Connell that the history of Ireland might be
traced like a wounded man through a crowd by the blood, and the same may be
truly said of the history of the colored voters of the South.
They have marched to the ballot-box in face of gleaming weapons, wounds and
death. They have been abandoned by the Government and left to the laws of
nature. So far as they are concerned, there is no Government or Constitution of
the United States.
They are under control of a foul, haggard and damning conspiracy against
reason, law and constitution. How you can be indifferent, how any leading
colored men can allow themselves to be silent in presence of this state of
things we cannot see. . . .
This is no question of party. It is a question of law and government. It is a
question whether men shall be protected by law or be left to the mercy of
cyclones of anarchy and bloodshed. It is whether the Government or the mob shall
rule this land; whether the promises solemnly made to us in the Constitution be
manfully kept or meanly and flagrantly broken. Upon this vital point we ask the
whole people of the United States to take notice that whatever of political
power we have shall be exerted for no man of any party who will not in advance
of election promise to use every power given him by the Government, State or
National, to make the black man's path to the ballot-box as straight, smooth and
safe as that of any other American citizen....
We hold it to be self-evident that no class or color should be the exclusive
rulers of this country. If there is such a ruling class, there must of course be
a subject class, and when this condition is once established this Government of
the people, by the people and for the people,－will
have perished from the earth.
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