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’’’’’’傑’遜
(HELEN HUNT JACKSON)
百’’’
A Century of Dishonor
’’’’’’’中’太平’’陸’’’’第’’’’’’欺凌’壓’’殺’’’’’’難’’’’’’
’’’ (’斯’’)’’’傑’遜(1830’1885)’生’麻薩諸塞’’’’赫斯’’’’’成爲’個普’’’’’母親’’’’親’’’赫斯’’學教’學習’’文’Ｗ學’’’’米莉’’’森’’’’終身’友’’’’’’候
’’蔔斯’’’’’讀’塾’1852’嫁給’個’’’’華’B’’’’’’’當’’’夫’重’分’’’’’’’盡婦’’’而’’’生’’個’’’’中’’個’’幼’
夭折’’’’第’’’’’’’夫’’次’’中喪身’’’’’’’’第’個’’’’’’喪失親’’’’’’’爲’’雜’’詩’文章’1875’’’’嫁’’’S’傑’遜’’’’’’羅’’’’由’聽’’次講’’’’’關心’’’’’’’’’’’’著手’’’’’調’’’’’揭’’’對’’’’’’’’’’’’’1881’’’’’百’’’’’’’它分’給’個議Ⅸ’’’爲該文’選’
’’’百’(’國’)’’’’中’’有’’不曾’’’’’白’殖民’’殘酷欺壓’’’’’’’’’’有身’’’’’’’’’’’有’’’’’們’’’’’’種殘酷欺
凌’生’’太平’’陸’’’那’’’’’’情’尤’’’樣’’們’’’’’’’蜂擁而’’’’殖民’團團’圍’’像’’’’’’’動’’捲’潮’’樣’’們’’’’’’’夠’’及’殖民’們簽’’’’’’’公衆’’’’’夠’’及’’有關’’’’’’’’30’中’太平’’陸’’’’’’’’’’’欺
凌’壓’’殺戮’’’成’整部’’它’’’’’難’’’’
’而’’論翻’’’’’歷’’’’部分’’中’’’頁’’’’都’’見’斑斑’跡’’生’’個部落’’’’’生’’體’’’’身’’’’’中’不’’僅僅’’間’’’而’’而不’’’間’’’’反’’’’’’實’’羅’’’’今天’跟1880’’喬’’’’1795’’’亥’’’樣’’’厭’’’’’天’’國’’’’諾言’’手’不’
’當’’手’’’’高’’
’們之’’’樣’’個’’原’’’’們’厭’’’’’不’’忍’塊“文’’絆’石”’’’’’及’疑’們’’’’’種潛’’’’’’種情緒普’蔓’’那’’滿’’’戰’’’情’’’老’’生’’’’’’’’’’’傳說’’它’’’’’心裏産生’種’’’遺傳’’’不’’疑’不’’喻’嫌’本’’’種嫌’’’’’不’’除’減’’’’’
’’’’’方面有’百頁’懈’擊’證詞’’’’用’’它們’’成’’傷’’’’’’黨’’偏見而’之不’’’任接’任’’統’’’個’’個’’Ⅸ’調’’報’’’’’問’’’’’它們提’’’’’問’’最’方’’’們’那’’報都雄’’’’’’’’’’’’’
凌’’’’方面’種種’’棄’’’們用最誠懇’’言’議試用簡單’’’’’辦’’做’說實話’講’’’辦’公平’’’’’’報’’’’’’’’’報’’’僅’而’’’’’’’’國公民中見’’聽說’’’’報’’還不’’個’’樣說’’’’’’不’分’’而’’’國’那’’維正’情’健’’’’們’’’們中間傳’’’’’’報’’本身’’’’“’說公文”’它’引’’場革’’’樣’革’’有’’’’’’’’’’不’’獲’’平’’雪之’’’平’’’’
’蘭’’統’1869’’’’個’’’Ⅸ’’’六個’’’’’’’’’關’’’’個不’’’’’’’’’“檢’有關’’’’’’有問’”’
’’個’Ⅸ’’’報中有’樣’’話’“’爲‘’’’’不’’勞動’’’言’像說白’不’’勞動’樣’’屬謊言’“’驗’’’’’’’們’勞動産’’天’’白’’走’’’們爲什麽除’’日’’’’還’種糧食’圍田’’’’’’做’’’’’?’’樣’情’’’最勤勞’白’’’變’’而’’’’’’(那’’Ⅸ們該’’’’’’說’’’’’’’’’)都’’’勞動’’足’駁斥‘’’’’不’’勞動’’’’論’’’情’’實’’避不’’’
“’’’’’’’之間’關’’’’部’載不’’’’’棄’’’’’邊’白’’’’’’之間’關’’’’部’載’’’白’對’’’’’’殘’蹂’’掠奪’凌’’’及偶爾’’’’’’’暴動’難’’’’野’’爲’不堪’目’’’’
“’’說’’們有’’’’’’而’們’’’’’’’’’’’’’厭’白’’’’’’’’’們本’該’’’’’’’’手’’’’’’準備用’擋’’’’攻擊’
“有’’’國最高’’’’證詞還’錄’’’’中’’’’說’’我們’’次’’’戰’中’’’’’’’’由白’首’’’’而’’’’’’個問’’’’方’’’’都證實’’’’’除’那’’未’’’區’’’’而不’’’’’’匪’之’’還有’’批爲’’戰’中’’’’隊’’’’’’’支中漁’’假’正’’’’’們不擇’切’’手’’’’’’戰’’’們’’用’’’’面’式’’’’’報’’’’數’而對’’’’有’不’任’區’’’們’’’’最’’’’們犯’最不’’’’’’而’身爲’’’陪’Ⅸ’’們’’’’’而’’們’’’們’犯’’應’’’’’白’對’’’’’犯’’’’個’’都’’’’’’解’而’’’’對白’’’’’’犯’馬’’戴’’實’’’’’莫須有’’’’’’報’’’’傳’’國’’個角落’’國’民必須警惕’’類’’’
’’’爲’除’’’期’’’’’’醫’精’’’創傷’’正’個國’今’對’’’’’’策’’立’’證’’’’’’’’’福’’件’’’’’’’’’’’’個’’’’’立’原’’’’實’’那’’種’’而’’’’’’錯’’’爲’’’’有’’’’’立’成爲’國公民’’醫’’們’切創傷’’’心’’’丹妙藥’那種’’’’’’’’接’’’’’極欠考’’’’’’’讓’有粗’’文’’’’’’’’’都變成完’’公民’那’像給’們’有’’’’種藥而不考’’們不’’’’’需’那樣’’個’Ｔ’錯’’’它傷’’’’比’它’’’’’’’’而’1857’調’’’’’問’’’’’’’’做’’體分’’’有錯’’“’’’們還不’’國公民’’們’擁有’’産’’’’’證不’’犯’’’’邦’’’’’’’’們’’’’們監’’贍’’’緊閉著’那麽’們’’’’’’由’’’部分’’’’’’把那種足’’’們’’’’’’’交給’’’’’’解釋少有’’條’’’那’’’’’們’續單’’檢驗’衆國’’掉’’麵’’’’候’’手’閒’’’’’債’成爲’’見’’而勤勞’’儉’不欠債’’’’成爲鳳毛麟角’’們對’’完’’有擁有’’’’’們’個’都失’’勞動’奮鬥’’’動’’’’個民族’’’賴’’’’’’動’’”
’切爲’’證’們’’’’’路’’’’’劃’措’都必須’’’’們儘早成爲公民’’項條’’而’必須’’之’’’’們’第’項’’’尤’’我們’’’藉’’’’’那’’公民“’們”’’’’
’’’階’’’心裏’’’種’厭反對橫’’’’傾’’它不’應’迅’’’’除’’’’’種傾’’說不’’’當’個’國’’’’’們’’有’’有’’’’’野需’’墾’’候’’們’’楚’’’條條’路該’’’’’’’’’’該’’裡’’’還有’’’’墾’’’’’’最’種’’莊’之’’’不’’’手中’’’’’’’’’’’們首’’’’’’’’’’’我們國’’’個’’極’而’’分棘手’問’’’’讓我們首’’“’’’’’’’”’
’論我們’’麽晚’’候’’’類’替’’’’’’正’’樣’’’項’劃’細’中’’’’麽複雜’’難’問’’’論’’’’’’’善’’’們對該做’那’’情’’成統’’’識有’麽’’’難’’’’’’’’不該做’’及’採’第’批’’爲目’’我們’’’’’情’平’’雪’醫’創傷’雪’’’之’’’’’不該’續做’’’問’’’’’不’’’而’’不應該’’任’’’’任’’難’欺’’掠奪’’’諾言－－’’件’’顯不’’’續’’’’還有’件’’’絕給予’’’’’産’’“生’’’’由’及’’’福’’’”’’’’’’障’
’有當’’件’不’’續’’’’’’間’’國之’’博’精’’基督教’’’’’準’’’’做’’’’’’’’’件’完’停止’’之’’’國之’’博’精’’樣’’勞’’’’’’基督教’’用’’’’’’’’’
There is not
among these three hundred bands of Indians [in the United States] one which has
not suffered cruelly at the hands either of the Government or of white settlers.
The poorer, the more insignificant, the more helpless the band, the more certain
the cruelty and outrage to which they have been subjected. This is especially
true of the bands on the Pacific slopes. These Indians found themselves of a
sudden surrounded by and caught up in the great influx of gold-seeking settlers,
as helpless creatures on a shore are caught up in a tidal wave. There was not
time for the Government to make treaties; not even time for communities to make
laws. The tale of the wrongs, the oppressions, the murders of the Pacific-slope
Indians in the last thirty years would be a volume by itself, and is too
monstrous to be believed.
It makes
little difference, however, where one opens the record of the history of the
Indians; every page and every year has its dark stain. The story of one tribe is
the story of all, varied only by differences of time and place; but neither time
nor place makes any difference in the main facts. Colorado is as greedy and
unjust in 1880 as was Georgia in 1830, and Ohio in 1795; and the United States
Government breaks promises now as deftly as then, and with added ingenuity from
long practice.
One of
its strongest supports in so doing is the wide-spread sentiment among the people
of dislike to the Indian, of impatience with his presence as a "barrier to
civilization," and distrust of it as a possible danger. The old tales of the
frontier life, with its horrors of Indian warfare, have gradually, by two or
three generations' telling, produced in the average mind something like an
hereditary instinct of unquestioning and unreasoning aversion which it is almost
impossible to dislodge or soften.
There are
hundreds of pages of unimpeachable testimony on the side of the Indian; but it
goes for nothing, is set down as sentimentalism or partisanship, tossed aside
and forgotten.
President
after president has appointed commission after commission to inquire into and
report upon Indian affairs, and to make suggestions as to the best methods of
managing them. The reports are filled with eloquent statements of wrongs done to
the Indians, of perfidies on the part of the Government; they counsel, as
earnestly as words can, a trial of the simple and unperplexing expedients of
telling truth, keeping promises, making fair bargains, dealing justly in all
ways and all things. These reports are bound up with the Government's Annual
Reports, and that is the end of them. It would probably be no exaggeration to
say that not one American citizen out of ten thousand ever sees them or knows
that they exist, and yet any one of them, circulated throughout the country,
read by the right-thinking, right-feeling men and women of this land, would be
of itself a "campaign document" that would initiate a revolution which would not
subside until the Indians' wrongs were, so far as is now left possible, righted.
In 1869
President Grant appointed a commission of nine men, representing the influence
and philanthropy of six leading States, to visit the different Indian
reservations, and to "examine all matters appertaining to Indian affairs."
In the
report of this commission are such paragraphs as the following: "To assert that
'the Indian will not work' is as true as it would be to say that the white man
will not work.
'Why
should the Indian be expected to plant corn, fence lands, build houses, or do
anything but get food from day to day, when experience has taught him that the
product of his labor will be seized by the white man to-morrow? The most
industrious white man would become a drone under similar circumstances.
Nevertheless, many of the Indians" (the commissioners might more forcibly have
said 130,000 of the Indians) "are already at work, and furnish ample refutation
of the assertion that 'the Indian will not work.' There is no escape from the
inexorable logic of facts.
"The
history of the Government connections with the Indians is a shameful record of
broken treaties and unfulfilled promises. The history of the border, white man's
connection with the Indians is a sickening record of murder, outrage, robbery,
and wrongs committed by the former, as the rule, and occasional savage outbreaks
and unspeakably barbarous deeds of retaliation by the latter, as the exception.
"Taught
by the Government that they had rights entitled to respect, when those rights
have been assailed by the rapacity of the white man, the arm which should have
been raised to protect them has ever been ready to sustain the aggressor.
"The
testimony of some of the highest military officers of the United States is on
record to the effect that, in our Indian wars, almost without exception, the
first aggressions have been made by the white man, and the assertion is
supported by every civilian of reputation who has studied the subject. In
addition to the class of robbers and outlaws who find impunity in their
nefarious pursuits on the frontiers, there is a large class of professedly
reputable men who use every means in their power to bring on Indian wars for the
sake of the profit to be realized from the presence of troops and the
expenditures of Government funds in their midst. They proclaim death to the
Indians at all times in words and publications, making no distinction between
the innocent and the guilty. They irate the lowest class of men to the
perpetration of the darkest deeds against their victims, and as judges and
jurymen shield them from the justice due to their crimes. Every crime committed
by a white man against an Indian is concealed or palliated. Every offence
committed by an Indian against a white man is borne on the wings of the post or
the telegraph to the remotest corner of the land, clothed with all the horrors
which the reality or imagination can throw around it. Against such influences as
these the people of the United States need to be warned."
To assume
that it would be easy, or by any one sudden stroke of legislative policy
possible, to undo the mischief and hurt of the long past, set the Indian policy
of the country right for the future, and make the Indians at once safe and
happy, is the blunder of a hasty and uninformed judgment. The notion which seems
to be growing more prevalent, that simply to make all Indians at once citizens
of the United States would be a sovereign and instantaneous panacea for all
their ills and all the Government's perplexities, is a very inconsiderate one.
To administer complete citizenship of a sudden, all round, to all Indians,
barbarous and civilized alike, would be as grotesque a blunder as to dose them
all round with any one medicine, irrespective of the symptoms and needs of their
diseases. It would kill more than it would cure. Nevertheless, it is true, as
was well stated by one of the superintendents of Indian Affairs in 1857, that,
"so long as they are not citizens of the United States, their rights of
property' must remain insecure against invasion. The doors of the federal
tribunals being barred against them while wards and dependents, they can only
partially exercise the rights of free government, or give to those who make,
execute, and construe the few laws they are allowed to enact, dignity sufficient
to make them respectable. While they continue individually to gather the crumbs
that fall from the table of the United States, idleness, improvidence, and
indebtedness will be the rule, and industry, thrift, and freedom from debt the
exception. The utter absence of individual title to particular lands deprives
every one among them of the chief incentive to labor and exertion－the
very mainspring on which the prosperity of a people depends."
All judicious plans and measures for their safety and salvation must embody
provisions for their becoming citizens as fast as they are fit, and must protect
them till then in every right and particular in which our laws protect other
"persons" who are not citizens.
There is a disposition in a certain class of minds to be impatient with any
protestation against wrong which is unaccompanied or unprepared with a quick and
exact scheme of remedy. This is illogical. When pioneers in a new country find a
tract of poisonous and swampy wilderness to be reclaimed, they do not withhold
their hands from fire and axe till they see clearly which wav roads should run,
where good water will spring, and what crops will best grow on the redeemed
land. They first clear the swamp. So with this poisonous and baffling part of
the domain of our national affairs－let
us first "clear the swamp."
However great perplexity and difficulty there may be in the details of any and
every plan possible for doing at this late day anything like justice to the
Indian, however hard it may be for good statesmen and good men to agree upon the
things that ought to be done, there certainly is, or ought to he, no perplexity'
whatever, no difficulty whatever, in agreeing upon certain things that ought not
to be done, and which must cease to be done before the first steps can be taken
toward righting the wrongs, curing the ills and wiping out the disgrace to us of
the present condition of our Indians.
Cheating, robbing, breaking promises－these
three are clearly things which must cease to be done. One more thing, also, and
that is the refusal of the protection of the law to the Indian's rights of
property, "of life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness."
When these four things have ceased to be done, time, statesmanship,
philanthropy, and (Christianity can slowly and surely do the rest. Till these
four things have ceased to be done, statesmanship and philanthropy alike must
work in vain. and even Christianity can reap but small harvest.
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