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’’’’’’’
(ABRAHAM LINCOLN)
第’任’職’說
Second Inaugural Address
我們對任’’都不’’’’我們對任’’都’’’’’’讓我們’’’’邊’正’’’我們’堅’那’正’’’邊’讓我們’續奮鬥’’完成我們正’’’’’’’’’療國’’創傷’’照’’’’戰’戰’’’們’遺’遺’’盡’切’’實’’維’我們’’之間’及我國’’國之間’公正’’’’’平’
’’1864’’末’’’還’’’’’’’統選’中獲勝’’’爲民’黨候選’喬’’B’麥’萊’’贏’勝’’民’黨’結’’場戰’’’準備’’談’’棄’’對解’黑奴’’擔’’務’換’’平’’而’1864’’’’邦’’’’勝’’尤’’攻陷’’’蘭’’不’’戰局扭轉’而’’改變’’統選’’投票結’’
1865’3月4日’’’’華盛’’’第’任’職’說’’’’’’盛’期’’’’誠實’樸’’雄’’’’’戰’’’結’’’’’’’’應該’反’’個國’’’’’歷’’望未’’’候’’
’’第’任’’職’’’禮中’’不需’像第’任’職’那樣’’’’’說’那’’對當’’’採’’方’’策’少’’’詳細說’’’’’’當’’’’’’任期’滿’’’期間’戰’’’個重’’’’階’’’’場戰’’今仍爲’國’關’’’’’用’國’’’部分’’’’我都’’’’文’’’’’’’提不’什麽’’’’’我們’’’’’’’’切’’問’’關鍵’’’’’對’情’’我’樣’’’而’我’’’’’情’’’’我們’體’民有’由’’滿’’鼓’’’’’’’有’望’那麽我’’須’’方面’什麽’言’’
’’’’’’’’’’’’’’有’’’’都’’’集中’’場’’’’’內戰’’誰都’’內戰’都’盡辦’’避’它’當我’’個’方’’職’說’’我曾’儘’不’諸戰’而’’’邦’’而反’分’’’’’’’’’’個’市裏’不打’’方式(推毀’邦’’’們’圖’談’’方式’瓦解’邦’分’’’’雙方都’稱反對戰’’’’有’方寧’打’而不’讓國’生’’’’方’寧’接’戰’而不’讓國’滅’’’’戰’’’’’’
我們’國’’’’分之’’黑奴’’們’不’’’’’國’而’局部’分’’’方’’’奴隸’成’種’’而重’’’’’’’都’’’種’’’說’’場戰’’原’’爲’’’’永’’’’’’’種’’’反’分’’不惜’戰’’分裂’邦’而’’’不’’限’’種’’’’區’’’當’’任’’方都’有’’戰’’’’’目’’麽’’’圍’’續’麽’’’問’’’有’’衝’’原’’’衝’本身終止而終止’’’’’衝’本身終止’’而終止’雙方都’’’’個較輕’’勝’’都不期’有什麽’’本’’’驚’’結’’雙方都’讀’樣’’’’’’’個’’’禱’’’’’方都’’’’個’’’幫’’反對’’方’’們竟敢’’公正’’’’幫’’們奪’’’’’’換’’麵’’’’’’’’’’’’’’我們還’’評’’’’’’’’’評’我們’雙方’’禱都’’’’’而’’’’部’’’’’’’’’’’有’’’’’旨’“’’由’’’而’’難’’爲’’’’有’’’’’而那個’’’’’’’’難’”假’我們’爲’國’奴隸’’’種’’之’’而’’’’’’’’’志’’’不’’’’’’續’’’’’’’’’間’’’’’’’除’’’’’假’我們’爲’’把’場’’’戰’’’’’雙方’’’’’爲對那’’’’’’’’’難’我們’’由’’爲’有’’’’’’’’’們’’諸’’’那’’’嗎?我們’切’’塑’熱忱’’禱’’’’戰’’重’’’快’’’’’’假’’’’讓戰’’’續’’’’’’百五’’’奴隸’’勞動’’’’’’化爲’有’’像’’’’’們’說’那樣’’’’’’’’’’’’’爲’’’’’’’’’’’’爲止’那麽’我’’’說’“’’裁’’完’正’而公’’’”
我們對任’’都不’’’’我們對任’’都’’’’’’讓我們’’’’邊’正’’’我們’堅’那正’’’邊’讓我們’續奮鬥’’完成我們正’’’’’’’’’療國’’創傷’’照’’’’戰’戰’’’們’遺’遺’’盡’切’’實’’維’我們’’之間’及我國’’國之間’公正’’’’’平’
At this
second appearing to take the oath of the Presidential office there is less
occasion for an extended address than there was at the first. Then a statement
somewhat in detail of a course to be pursued seemed fitting and proper. Now, at
the expiration of four years, during which public declarations have been
constantly called forth on every point and phase of the great contest which
still absorbs the attention and engrosses the energies of the nation, little
that is new could be presented. The progress of our arms, upon which all else
chiefly depends, is as well known to the public as to myself, and it is, I
trust, reasonably satisfactory and encouraging to all. With high hope for the
future, no prediction in regard to it is ventured.
On the
occasion corresponding to this four years ago all thoughts were anxiously
directed to an impending civil war. All dreaded it, all sought to avert it.
While the inaugural address was being delivered from this place, devoted
altogether to saving the Union without war, insurgent agents were in the city
seeking to destroy it without war－seeking
to dissolve the Union and divide effects by negotiation. Both parties deprecated
war, but one of them would make war rather than let the nation survive, and the
other would accept war rather than let it perish, and the war came.
One-eighth of the whole population were colored slaves, not distributed
generally over the Union, but localized in the southern part of it. These slaves
constituted a peculiar and powerful interest. All knew that this interest was
somehow the cause of war. To strengthen, perpetuate, and extend this interest
was the object for which the insurgents would rend the Union even by war, while
the Government claimed no right to do more than to restrict the territorial
enlargement of it. Neither party expected for the war the magnitude or the
duration which it has already attained. Neither anticipated that the cause of
the conflict might cease with or even before the conflict itself should cease.
Each looked for an easier triumph, and a result less fundamental and astounding.
Both read the same Bible and pray to the same God, and each invokes His aid
against the other. It may seem strange that any men should dare to ask a just
God's assistance in wringing their bread from the sweat of other men's faces,
but let us judge not, that we be not judged. The prayers of both could not be
answered. That of neither has been answered fully. The Almighty has His own
purposes. "Woe unto the world because of offenses; for it must needs be that
offenses come, but woe to that man by whom the offense cometh." If we shall
suppose that American slavery is one of those offenses which, in the providence
of God, must needs come, but which, having continued through His appointed time,
He now wills to remove, and that He gives to both North and South this terrible
war as the woe due to those by whom the offense came, shall we discern therein
any departure from those divine attributes which the believers in a living God
always ascribe to Him? Fondly do we hope, fervently do we pray, that this mighty
scourge of war may speedily pass away. Yet, if God wills that it continue until
all the wealth piled by the bondsman's two hundred and fifty years of unrequited
toil shall be sunk, and until every drop of blood drawn with the lash shall be
paid by another drawn with the sword, as was said three thousand years ago, so
still it must be said "the judgments of the Lord are true and righteous
altogether."
With malice toward none, with charity for all, with firmness in the right as God
gives us to see the right, let us strive on to finish the work we are in, to
bind up the nation's wounds, to care for him who shall have borne the battle and
for his widow and his orphan, to do all which may achieve and cherish a just and
lasting peace among ourselves and with all nations.
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