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’翰’’當斯
(JOHN ADAMS)
’由’’識
Liberty and Knowledge
(American Memory Collection, Library of
Congress)
讓我們’’’’讀’’’’’說’’’’’讓’識’’’’’’都打’’讓’識’源’’’’
’翰’’當斯(1735’1862)生’麻塞諸塞’畢’’’’學’’學’’’’教’’’中學’’獲’’’’資’’1765’’當斯’’’’’公報’’’’文章’擊’’’’’’’’’’’’極參’殖民’’’’’’’文章’’論’教’’’’’’’’’’爲’’’’’’’’’’’’’文章’’’’
儘管’當斯批評’國’’策’’’還’爲那’’控’1770’’’’’’殺中殺’五個殖民’’民’’國’’’’’結’’揮’’’個’’都’’’’’’’’樣心甘情’’’’’’’厭’’邊’’’’有妨礙’’’’生’’1774’’’當’第’次’陸議’’’’’’’’由托馬斯’傑斐遜組成’’’立’言’’’’Ⅸ’’成Ⅸ’’當斯’’國第’任副’統’’’’當選爲’統(1797－1801)’1800’’選’統’’托馬斯’傑斐遜擊敗’’’傑斐遜都’’’國’立五’’’’’日’’1826’7月4日’’’’
’’’’’民普’有’’’識’覺察’’’’方’’’統’’’種壓迫’’’應’減’’’失’’類’’有高’’’魂’而’’’’中’有’樣’原’’’’立’博’基礎’’爲’識’’視’’高原’’我’說對’’’’戀’’’’成奴’’原’’而任’’候’’有’由’’’’種’戀’’’’’由’原’’’’正’’個原’’’’’’著’’’’公’族’用’種欺’’暴’手’’脫對’們’’’’有限’’那麽’樣’’’個原’’’’’’著百’’’’’立’’’’’’’’’’限’’公正’’智’’圍內’
’’’’遠不’’’’成’’’們難’有機’’組成’’’’揮’們’’’’由’’有文化’識’’們難’’成’支’’個’’’反對’’不’’’’們’’’’’’’類’’’’’’’’個’’’’們都極’’止那’’’們稱爲’’’百’’’有關’們’’’’及’犯’們’’’’’識’’’剝奪’’們維’’’’’’’’正’犯’們’’’’’爲’’’’我’說’’’’’疑’’’’’任’’’成立之’’們’有’’’’’’類’’’’’除’限’’’’’’’’偉’立’’’賦予’’’’’
’’’民’有’’’’識’’由’難’’’維’’’民有天賦獲’’識’’’’’爲’’不’’偉’’’’’’賦予’們’解’’’’’’欲望’’’’除’’種’’之’’’們還有’個’’’’個’’’議’不’讓’’’’’除’’’’’’獲’最’’’懼’’’’那種’識’我’’’’解’們統’’’’質’’’’對’’民’說統’’’不’’’’’’’’’董’’樣’’’’們’’’’’’’’’任’陰’’’’’’’’’不’’任’虛’’’那麽’民’有’’’’’們’’’授予’’’’’任’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’董’’’最’’’民中’’獲’’識’手’對公衆’說比’’’國’有’’’’産’重’’’對’’本身’及’們’’裔’’’重’’唯’’問’’’’’’由公衆’錢’’’’’那麽’’’疑應當’’’’公衆’擔’樣’比’’錢’’’’說’’’們’’’比’’錢’’’’’’’’’’’用公’’用’’’’’’’’有’種獲’’’’手’比’’報導’’’’’爲’’’民’’視’’’們’’採’措’鼓’’’技’’’’’’任’’都’’’’’’’’’’’’’把’’’’’公衆交’’’
讓我們’’’’讀’’’’’說’’’’喚’’階’’民’’’’’’’們’’’心’讓’們都’’’教’’’’’’統’基礎’原’’讓我們’’’’’’’探’’國憲’’精’’’讀’’歷’’’考’臘’羅馬’偉’’’’對照我們’國’’’’’’我們’’’’’爲我們’衛’’類’’有’’’’反對國內’暴’’’’’’反對’’國’’殘酷’’’’’之’反對’間’’獄之’’’’’讓我們’讀’’’’銘’我們’’’’’’’’’離’’們’生’’’國’’’’’’’’’野’’’圖’目’’讓我們’’那種把’們趕’’’’’’’’質’那種壓迫’殘酷’’讓我們’’’們’’驚歎’不’不撓精’’’’’們’’’’難’’食不’腹’’不蔽體’’’不堪’而’’’們都堅忍’’’’’讓我們’’’們’野’’野’’’’’’’之中’’’們有’間’’有’錢’’質’’商之’’’’場’’’’’’’種植糧食’’’’’’’’勞動’讓我們’’那’’’支撐著’們’’忍’’有’難’’’’’’’’教’原’’’望’期’’讓我們’’’’’正’’由’正’爲’們’’’爲我們’我們’’’’’’由’’望’’’’有’’折’’’’考驗’讓我們’’’個部’裏’’都’’’樣’’’’尤’’’’’’識’’教’’’’’’’支’’應該’’’樣’’’’
讓我們’講壇’蕩著’教’由’’’’’見’讓我們聽’由’’’’極端’’’’賴’’之’由’’’’’’’奴’’我們’’’’’’奴’’’’’’’讓我們’’我們面’’類’實面目’輪廓’讓我們聽’’’’’’’聽’’’’’’中’類’’’’高’’’讓我們聽’’們說’’’奴’’’褻’’’’任’’’’’’’’像’’我們’’’’’’’’’’福’樣’’生’’讓我們聽’’們說’’’’’’’’天’賦予’類’由’’平’親善’
讓’’’’那’’遠’’’傳’’“’’’’’’’’’’’策略”’讓’’’’’’我們’’’爲’衛’由’’’有’鬥’’’數犧’’讓’們’’’們原’’’’’’們原’’’’’條件’’’’’’’平等’’而’’’’’’’’’’’讓’們’’我們’’’’’’’有’而’必不’少’早’國’’’之’’們’’’’’’’’爲’’玉’’把它們’’爲’’必備’’’’讓’們’’’’’成’’’識’’’’’’組成方面’探’’國’’’統’’基礎’’樣我們’’’’’’’’由’正’’博’’’永’’基礎’’’’’’’’’掉’那麽’’’’當’’’’推翻’
讓’個團體’’’都’’’’組成’個’’’快樂音樂’’讓’’’’講都’談’由’’’之’’都’談奴’’邪’之醜陋’’鄙’’’’讓公衆’’論都變成探’統’’’據’’質’目’’’及’’善剷除’’手’’讓我們把有關’’’’’’及對’由’’覺’’對話’正’’說銘’’溫’’’’裏’’’遠’’’傳播’
’’話’讓’識’’’’’’都打’’讓’識’源’’’’
Liberty and Knowledge
Wherever a
general knowledge and sensibility have prevailed among the people, arbitrary
government and every kind of oppression have lessened and disappeared in
proportion. Man has certainly an exalted soul; and the same principle in human
nature--that aspiring, noble principle founded in benevolence, and cherished by
knowledge; I mean the love of power, which has been so often the cause of
slavery--has, whenever freedom has existed, been the cause of freedom. If it is
this principle that has always prompted the princes and nobles of the earth by
every species of fraud and violence to shake off all the limitations of their
power, it is the same that has always stimulated the common people to aspire at
independency, and to endeavor at confining the power of the great within the
limits of equity and reason
The poor
people, it is true, have been much less successful than the great. They have
seldom found either leisure or opportunity to form a union and exert their
strength; ignorant as they were of arts and letters, they have seldom been able
to frame and support a regular opposition. This, however, has been known by the
great to be the temper of mankind; and they have accordingly labored, in all
ages, to wrest from the populace, as they are contemptuously called, the
knowledge of their rights and wrongs, and the power to assert the former or
redress the latter. I say RIGHTS, for such they have, undoubtedly, antecedent to
all earthly government- rights that cannot be repealed or restrained by human
laws--rights derived from the great Legislator of the universe. . . .
Liberty
cannot be preserved without a general knowledge among the people, who have a
right, from the frame of their nature, to knowledge, as their great Creator, who
does nothing in vain, has given them understandings, and a desire to know; but
besides this, they have a right, an indisputable, unalienable, indefeasible,
divine right to that most dreaded and envied kind of knowledge; I mean, of the
characters and conduct of their rulers. Rulers are no more than attorneys,
agents, and trustees, for the people; and if the cause, the interest and trust,
is insidiously betrayed, or wantonly trifled away, the people have a right to
revoke the authority that they themselves have deputed, and to constitute abler
and better agents, attorneys, and trustees and the preservation of the means of
knowledge among the lowest ranks is of more importance to the public than all
the property of all the rich men the country. It is even of more consequence to
the rich themselves, and to their posterity. The only question is whether it is
a public emolument: and if it is, the rich ought undoubtedly to contribute, in
the same proportion as to all other public burdens--that is, in proportion to
their wealth, which is secured by public expenses. But none of the means of
information are more sacred, or have been cherished with more tenderness and
care by the settlers of America, than the press. Care has been taken that the
art of printing should be encouraged, and that it should be easy and cheap and
safe for any person to communicate his thoughts to the public....
Let us
dare to read, think, speak, and write. Let every order and degree among the
people rouse their attention and animate their resolution. Let them all become
attentive to the grounds and principles of government, ecclesiastical and civil.
Let us study the law of nature; search into the spirit of the British
Constitution; read the histories of ancient ages; contemplate the great examples
of Greece and Rome; set before us the conduct of our own British ancestors, who
have defended for us the inherent rights of mankind against foreign and domestic
tyrants and usurpers, against arbitrary kings and cruel priests; in short,
against the gates of earth and hell. Let us read and recollect and impress upon
our souls the views and ends of our own more immediate forefathers in exchanging
their native country for a dreary, inhospitable wilderness. Let us examine into
the nature of that power, and the cruelty of that oppression, which drove them
from their homes. Recollect their amazing fortitude, their bitter
sufferings--the hunger, the nakedness, the cold, which they patiently
endured--the severe labors of clearing their grounds, building their houses,
raising their provisions, amidst dangers from wild beasts and savage men, before
they had time or money or materials for commerce. Recollect the civil and
religious principles and hopes and expectations which constantly supported and
carried them through all hardships with patience and resignation. Let us
recollect it was liberty, the hope of liberty for themselves and us and ours,
which conquered all the discouragements, dangers, and trials. In such researches
as these let us all in our several departments cheerfully engage--but especially
the proper patrons and supporters of law, learning, and religion!
Let the
pulpit resound with the doctrines and sentiments of religious liberty. Let us
hear the danger of thraldom to our consciences from ignorance, extreme poverty,
and dependence; in short, from civil and political slavery. Let us see
delineated before us the true map of man. Let us hear the dignity of his nature,
and the noble rank he holds among the works of God--that consenting to slavery
is a sacrilegious breach of trust, as offensive in the sight of God as it is
derogatory from our own honor or interest or happiness--and that God Almighty
has promulgated from heaven liberty, peace, and goodwill to man!
Let the
bar proclaim "the laws, the rights, the generous plan of power" delivered down
from remote antiquity--inform the world of the mighty struggles and numberless
sacrifices made by our ancestors in defense of freedom. Let it be known that
original rights, conditions of original contracts, [are] coequal with
prerogative and coeval with government; that many of our rights are inherent and
essential, agreed on as maxims and established as preliminaries, even before a
parliament existed. Let them search for the foundations of British laws and
government in the frame of human nature, in the constitution of the intellectual
and moral world. There let us see that truth, liberty, justice, and benevolence
are its everlasting basis; and if these could be removed, the superstructure is
overthrown of course.
Let the
colleges join their harmony in the same delightful concert. Let every
declamation turn upon the beauty of liberty and virtue, and the deformity,
turpitude, and malignity of slavery and vice. Let the public disputations become
researches into the grounds and nature and ends of government, and the means of
preserving the good and demolishing the evil. Let the dialogues, and all the
exercises, become the instruments of impressing on the tender mind, and of
spreading and distributing far and wide, the ideas of right and the sensations
of freedom.
In a word, let every sluice of knowledge be opened and set a-flowing.
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