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伊’莎白’凱蒂’斯’’
(ELIZABETH CALM STANTON)
’’’立’機關’’關’’’’講話
Address to the Legislature of
New York on Women's Rights
我們’’’’’’僅僅’’’們爲’們’’’’’’’’’’’’’’由’簡單’’’個’’’’都’’’’’’’’樣’’
伊’莎白’凱蒂’斯’’(1815－1902)’’國’’婦’平等’’’動’戰略’’’’’說’’Ｗ學’’’傳’’’’’’’’部’區’個’有而’’’’’族’’’’’’夫’’’比’斯’’’’’’奴’’’’’’’’有’個’’’(最’’’’’生’1859’)’1848’’由’’’’’’’’’’’’’項劃’’’’’’賦予’’婦’’’産’’’’’’’’
’’’’’’塞尼’福爾斯’’’’’’’’’’’1851’’’’蘇’’比’’’尼’手’’那’’’’們倆成’’’’’’國’’’動’領’’
1854’2月’斯’’’’’’倡導’’’’’’’奧爾巴’’’’’’立’’議’斯’’’’’尼’’’議Ⅸ’’’’’’’講話’’’’還’’’五’’’’’’’’言’’斯’’(’’38歲)’’講話讀給’親聽’’’親’’’’’’’’學’’’’’曾’’’’’’’’’’’結’’幫’’’’’’角’’’分’’
’’’生們’’’’’’’國’’’’’’’我們’爲’’’六’革’’雄’’’’’’’們’雪我們’’’’’’’’們’’憲’’’’’’部’’’’’請允’我們盡’’簡’’提請’們’’’我們’盡’’’’謂’’’’’資’’
第’’’請’’婦’’爲’’’’’’’照’’’我們’’生’’’’’有’’我們’’’’’’’’’’生’必需’’’爲我們’犯’’’’’’’’’僅僅’’’不夠’’我們’’’’本’’’生’’’’由民’’’産’有’’’’’’’’’’’們’’不允’我們’有選’’’我們’’我們’’’而’還部分’’擔’學’’’學’教’’’用’部分’’擔’’們’’民’’監獄’陸’’’’’整個國’機器’’用’’’’我們’’們’議’裏’’有’言’’除’’’之’’我們完’符’憲’’’’’’投票’’必備’條件’我們講’’’’’’’’’’智’’’個方面都’驕傲’白’’’不’’’’’’’’們’’’’把我們’白癡’瘋’’黑’劃’’類’儘管我們覺’’樣’種’’’不’給我們’’任’’耀’’’實際’’我們’’’’’比’們還’’’’爲’’’黑’擁有’百五’’元’’有’成爲投票’’瘋’’’’’’智’醒’瞬間投票’白癡’’’’’’’’’不’徹’徹尾’傻瓜’’’’投票’’’我們’?我們領導’偉’’’善’動’’立’’善機’’’輯雜’’’’論’歷’’’濟’數’統’’著’’我們領導’國’’’隊’’任教授’給當’’學’講授Ｗ學’數學’我們’’’’’’’船舶’’’’’’’’’們’’不給予我們公民’最’’’’’’’原’’’’爲’天’’我們’’’個’’國’未’賦予’’’’’’’’難’說’’’個我們’爲’有’’’統’’有’’’裔’’方’’’個’稱’’生而平等’’方’’’個’稱’’’正當’’’’’’’’’民’’’’’方’’們’’心’’立’樣’種’族’’’它’’’’粗’’’’’有教’’’高雅’’’之’’’’’’’’’’當’’’’詩’之’’’’’’’生’’’們’母親之’嗎?’’
第’’’請’’婦’’爲’’’’’’’’’實’’’立’’國’’老習’’之’’’’’個僅僅由’文’’’’’’’’改善’種種野’習’’’’體’’們有關’’’’’公’’’’我們關’正’’關’我們本’中最’’’’情’’’’’’’’’們對’’’最’’’’’’視’爲’’’關’’’唯有’情’’’立’滿足’關’’那麽’’類立’’’做’當’僅僅’’’’種關’’’’不’’爲’’’’不’’’’’’’’’’爲’個’’僅屬’’’’’’’創’’’’’’’’’及’’們結’’’’’’引’’’’’’’’’們視’’爲民間’’’那麽’讓它’’’’’有’’’’’’樣’’’不’把’’’成’種’’’’’機’’’種’’’立’’不’管’’機’’’們不’爲’種’’’’’’’’’’’而’’’捲’最’Ｔ’最’重’矛’之中’’據’們’’’’’’不滿21歲’’不’簽’購’馬匹’’’’而’’’’簽’中有欺’’爲’’簽’’未完’’’’那麽’還’’不’該’’’’縛’’據’們’’’’有民’’’’簽’方’’’仍’’’們簽’’’身’’’’’’立’’’有’分’’’’任’’由’’們’’’’’’選擇’解除’’關’’’’’那麽’’們’’據什麽民’’’原’’允’14歲’’’’12歲’’’’’’切’’’’’’立比任’’’’’都’’有巨’重’’’’’’’’’不論’生什麽情’’’’’們’’失望’’’’’’當’’’’’’’們’必須終生’’’個’’’?而’’簽’’種’’’’著簽’’’方立’喪失’公民’’’僅僅’’天還傲視跪’’’’’’’’’天’’類天平’’讀數還高’足’’’’驕傲’’’遜’’’’等條件簽’’’’’’’今天’’’公民’’’’’’’’’由’’’’不’’’’産’’’’’’’’方種植園裏’奴隸’’’樣’’什麽’不’’有’什麽’不’’售’’’’’支’’’賺’’’資’’’都’有’’’身’’’’’間’’’勞動都’’’個’’’産’’
第’’’請’’婦’’爲寡婦’’’’’當我們試圖’’’’對’’’不公正’’那’’’我們’’’’’’’改善’’’’’我們’’寡婦’’’’’’’’’’’讓我們’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’宏’’’’它允’寡婦終生’’’’有’産’’分之’’’’’有’夫個’’産’’分之’’而’’’’’’有’’部分’’’!’’’’’
’’夫’’’那麽’産’’’’仍’’部屬’’夫’’’’敢’’’’’’’’’騷’’’’’’傷避難’’請問’’’區’對’’’’婦’’’’’正’嗎?’’
’們’次而’’’’本正’’問我們’“’們’’’什麽’?’們’目’’什麽’?”’’’’’’’種值’稱’’’’心’’們’’’’’’’’’’國’’’’’’有什麽’’’’’’們’’生’’’曾’那麽’’’爲’’由而戰’’’’’’贏’’’立’’’有’暴’’偏執’等’’’統統踩’’’’’啓’著’’’’’’’條’’’’’’’’’生而平等’’’樣’’’’’婦’’’少什麽’’’’’’’’’’本’異’那麽’’’’’獲’不’’’’’’有’’之’魚’’’之’鳥雀’樣’
’們’’’’方’種植園’’’’’奴隸’’’樣有’覺’’’維’’們’’’’’’’對’’’奴隸’說’’正’’壓迫’像對’’樣’’’’們’’’’’’’’’奴隸’’像’’’樣’’’’’’’照’’’志生’’’’’’’’聽憑’’’’’支’’任憑’’情欲’’’’奴’’’’’’’’迫’’心’’’’黑’’’’’’’照’’’’’魂’’’’’動’那麽’’邏輯’立’’’’’’慰’’’說’奴隸’覺不’我’’覺’’’’生’’’’我們’難之’’’當我們面對’’國’議Ⅸ’學’’爲我們’’’’’隊’們’’接’’’’’’’’像’’’’’’’’’都’’’種錯覺之中’那麼公’輿論對’’揭示’’婦’’’’不公正’’’’’示’驚’’’比不’對婦’終’覺醒’’’’識’’’不公正’實’’示’’驚’’’’
’’’’生們’’’’們’’’’’’’像爲由’’而’爲’們’我們’實’’’’話’那麼’’們爲什麼’爲婦’’’’’’’’’’’’?難’’’部’’不’滿足’有類’’需’嗎?基督’’’玉’勝’’有’’’’’夠’’’’’’’’’“’’不欲’勿’’’’”’生’’們’’’’我們對’們’’’我們’’’’’’僅僅’’’們爲’們’’’’’’’’’’’我們需’’’障’僅僅’’’’’爲’們提’’’障’
最’’讓我們’’’’’婦’’’’我們’’’’’正’’們’’“五月’”號’普’’斯港’錨’’’’’’’’中’們爲’’’’’’’’’’由’簡單’’’個’’’’都’’’’’’’’樣’’’們’’’說’本’’’部分婦’’末提’’個’’’提’’’’’’’’失望’’’’’厭’老’’’’有’’’’’’
’們錯’’’’婦’’’’我們’’言’’本’絕’部分婦’’食’’’而’還’’’’’’’’還’’’們’’夫’...
那麼’’們’’’爲’’婦’不’望’握’們掙’’’資’不’望擁有’’購’’’’’’’’’’’’嗎?’們’’’爲’們不’望’’’’’’’’’’’支’之’’而不必’’’’’錢不值’’天’’’’’’’完’’’’’’蹂’’?’們’爲任’’’都’’’’誠’馴’’’’’心甘情’’終日’’’’僅僅掙’’憐’50’分嗎?’們’爲’們’望遵照’們’’’’’’那個爲’夫支’煙錢’’錢’’’言喻’’’嗎?試’’’’個’足’生’樣’’鬼’’’’’’’’’’分’’’’’’’’嗎’’’’’’公’輿論允’’解除’種粗野’’’關’’話?’’顯’’絕對不’’’’’
我們爲’有’’’婦’說話’’’’’’’’單’’’’們’’’那’’’’’’’賠’’們’完’’’勞動’婦’’’’’那’’我們’’立’’學’’高等學’’公立學’任教’’僅僅換’’薄收’’’’’’’’那’’’情課’’款’寡婦’’’’那’’關’’化’’’民’’監獄裏’不’’婦’’那麽’我們還有什麽’不’’’’?我們不’’’’’不’’’’’髦’輕’’’’’們像蝴蝶’樣’’’暫’’日裏’’’陽’’’朵’’’’’’’風’’天’白霜’快’’’走陽’’’朵’那’’’們’’需’’’’’’’’’’那’’’輪’’們’’’’’’’’們提’’’正’’平等’’’’ ’
Address to the Legislature of
New York on Women's Rights
. . . . Gentlemen, in republican America, in the
nineteenth century, we, the daughters of the revolutionary heroes of '76, demand
at your hands the redress of our grievances--a revision of your State
Constitution--a new code of laws. Permit us then, as briefly as possible, to
call your attention to the legal disabilities under which we labor.
1st. Look at the position of
woman as woman. It is not enough for us that by your laws we are permitted to
live and breathe, to claim the necessaries of life from our legal protectors--to
pay the penalty of our crimes; we demand the full recognition of all our rights
as citizens of the Empire State. We are persons; native, freeborn citizens;
property-holders, tax-payers; yet are we denied the exercise of our right to the
elective franchise. We support ourselves, and, in part, your schools, colleges,
churches, your poor-houses, jails, prisons, the army, the navy, the whole
machinery of government, and yet we have no voice in your councils. We have
every qualification required by the Constitution, necessary to the legal voter,
but the one of sex. We are moral, virtuous, and intelligent, and in all respects
quite equal to the proud white man himself, and yet by your laws we are classed
with idiots, lunatics, and negroes; and though we do not feel honored by the
place assigned us, yet, in fact, our legal position is lower than that of
either; for the negro can be raised to the dignity of a voter if he possess
himself of $250; the lunatic can vote in his moments of sanity, and the idiot,
too, if he be a male one, and not more than nine-tenths a fool; but we, who have
guided great movements of charity, established missions, edited journals,
published works on history, economy, and statistics; who have governed nations,
led armies, filled the professor's chair, taught philosophy and mathematics to
the savants of our age, discovered planets, piloted ships across the sea, are
denied the most sacred rights of citizens, because, forsooth, we came not into
this republic crowned with the dignity of manhood! . . . Can it be that here,
where we acknowledge no royal blood, no apostolic descent, that you, who have
declared that all men were created equal--that governments derive their just
powers from the consent of the governed, would willingly build up an aristocracy
that places the ignorant and vulgar above the educated and refined--the alien
and the ditch digger above the authors and poets of the day--an aristocracy that
would raise the sons above the mothers that bore them? . . .
2d. Look at the position of
woman as wife. Your laws relating to marriage--founded as they are on the old
common law of England, a compound of barbarous usages, but partially modified by
progressive civilization--are in open violation of our enlightened ideas of
justice, and of the holiest feelings of our nature. If you take the highest view
of marriage, as a Divine relation, which love alone can constitute and sanctify,
then of course human legislation can only recognize it. Men can neither bind nor
loose its ties, for that prerogative belongs to God alone, who makes man and
woman, and the laws of attraction by which they are united. But if you regard
marriage as a civil contract, then let it be subject to the same laws which
control all other contracts. Do not make it a kind of half human, half-divine
institution, which you may build up, but can not regulate. Do not, by your
special legislation for this one kind of contract, involve yourselves in the
grossest absurdities and contradictions.
So long as by your laws no man can make a contract for a horse or piece of land
until he is twenty-one years of age, and by which contract he is not bound if
any deception has been practiced, or if the party contracting has not fulfilled
his part of the agreement--so long as the parties in all mere civil contracts
retain their identity and all the power and independence they had before
contracting, with the full right to dissolve all partnerships and contracts for
any reason, at the will and option of the parties themselves, upon what
principle of civil jurisprudence do you permit the boy of fourteen and the girl
of twelve, in violation of every natural law, to make a contract more momentous
in importance than any other, and then hold them to it come what may, the whole
of their natural lives, in spite of disappointment, deception, and misery? Then,
too, the signing of this contract is instant civil death to one of the parties.
The woman who but yesterday was sued on bended knee, who stood so high in the
scale of being as to make an agreement on equal terms with a proud Saxon man,
to-day has no civil existence, no social freedom. The wife who inherits no
property holds about the same legal position that does the slave of the Southern
plantation. She can own nothing, sell nothing. She has no right even to the
wages she earns; her person, her time, her services are the property of another.
. . .
3d. Look at the position of
woman as widow. Whenever we attempt to point out the wrongs of the wife, those
who would have us believe that the laws can not be improved, point us to the
privileges, powers, and claims of the widow. Let us look into these a little. .
. . Behold the magnanimity of the law in allowing the widow to retain a life
interest in one-third the landed estate, and one-half the personal property of
her husband, and taking the lion's share to itself! Had she died first, the
house and land would all have been the husband's still. No one would have dared
to intrude upon the privacy of his home, or to molest him in his sacred retreat
of sorrow. How, I ask you, can that be called justice, which makes such a
distinction as this between man and woman? . . .
Many times and oft it has
been asked us, with unaffected seriousness, "What do you women want? What are
you aiming at?" Many have manifested a laudable curiosity to know what the wives
and daughters could complain of in republican America, where their sires and
sons have so bravely fought for freedom and gloriously secured their
independence, trampling all tyranny, bigotry, and caste in the dust, and
declaring to a waiting world the divine truth that all men are created equal.
What can woman want under such a government? Admit a radical difference in sex,
and you demand different spheres--water for fish, and air for birds.
It is impossible to make the
Southern planter believe that his slave feels and reasons just as he does--that
injustice and subjection are as galling as to him--that the degradation of
living by the will of another, the mere dependent on his caprice, at the mercy
of his passions, is as keenly felt by him as his master. If you can force on his
unwilling vision a vivid picture of the negro's wrongs, and for a moment touch
his soul, his logic brings him instant consolation. He says, the slave does not
feel this as I would. Here, gentlemen, is our difficulty: When we plead our
cause before the law-makers and savants of the republic, they can not take in
the idea that men and women are alike; and so long as the mass rest in this
delusion, the public mind will not be so much startled by the revelations made
of the injustice and degradation of woman's position as by the fact that she
should at length wake up to a sense of it. . . .
But if, gentlemen, you take
the ground that the sexes are alike, and, therefore, you are our faithful
representatives--then why all these special laws for woman? Would not one code
answer for all of like needs and wants? Christ's golden rule is better than all
the special legislation that the ingenuity of man can devise: "Do unto others as
you would have others do unto you." This, men and brethren, is all we ask at
your hands. We ask no better laws than those you have made for yourselves. We
need no other protection than that which your present laws secure to you.
In conclusion, then, let us say, in behalf of the women of this State, we ask
for all that you have asked for yourselves in the progress of your development,
since the Mayflower cast anchor beside Plymouth rock; and simply on the ground
that the rights of every human being are the same and identical. You may say
that the mass of the women of this State do not make the demand; it comes from a
few sour, disappointed old maids and childless women.
You are mistaken; the mass speak through us. A very large majority of the women
of this State support themselves and their children, and many their husbands
too. . . .
Now, do you candidly think
these wives do not. wish to control the wages they earn--to own the land they
buy--the houses they build? to have at their disposal their own children,
without being subject to the constant interference and tyranny of an idle,
worthless profligate? Do you suppose that any woman is such a pattern of
devotion and submission that she willingly stitches all day for the small sum of
fifty cents, that she may enjoy the unspeakable privilege, in obedience to your
laws, of paying for her husband's tobacco and rum? Think you the wife of the
confirmed, beastly drunkard would consent to share with him her home and bed, if
law and public sentiment would release her from such gross companionship?
Verily, no!...
For all these, then, we
speak. If to this long list you add the laboring women who are loudly demanding
remuneration for their unending toil; those women who teach in our seminaries,
academies, and public schools for a miserable pittance; the widows who are taxed
without mercy; the unfortunate ones in our workhouses, poor-houses, and prisons;
who are they that we do not now represent? But a small class of the fashionable
butterflies, who, through the short summer days, seek the sunshine and the
flowers; but the cool breezes of autumn and the hoary frosts of winter will soon
chase all these away; then they too, will need and seek protection, and through
other lips demand in their turn justice and equity at your hands.
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