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托馬斯’’溫
(THOMAS CORWIN)
反對墨’哥戰’
Against the Mexican War
倘’我’墨’哥’’我’’’’’’“’’們’’’國’裏’有’葬’’’’間嗎?”
’國’’域’’’’’疆’’’’’’墨’哥爲’價’’’’’薩斯’’國’’’們反’墨’哥當局’’1836’’’’立’成爲’個’’國’1845’’’當議’’論’’’’’’薩斯’’’民’論壇報’’’輯’’翰’’羅’歐薩’文極’’’’’’’爲什麽’不’’’’國“’’著’’’’’爲我們’’都成’’’’數百’民衆’’由’’’’’’’賜予’疆’”’’’晚’’候’’’薩斯’’國成’’個’’’’’由’翰’’’弗裏’’’領’’國’’’’’’’福尼’’’1846’’’熊’’’國成立’
由’墨’哥’’國’邊’問’’’見’左’詹’斯’’’’爾’’統’’’’’’’墨’哥’’’’隊’遣’有’議’邊’’區’談’’裂’’戰’’’’’’戰’’’’普’’支’’’爲’民衆擁’’謂“’’著’’’”’種’’’’’’有’’’’’’丹尼爾’韋’斯’’弗萊’裏’’’’’斯’’’’輕’’’’’’’’’’’’伊’諾’’國’議Ⅸ’’譴’’場戰’’
最善’’反對墨’哥戰’’托馬斯’’溫(1794’1865)’’’’亥’’輝’’參議Ⅸ’’爲’學成’’’’’’’亥’’’’’’’溫’1847’2月11日公’譴’’場戰’’’正’’’’第’’參議Ⅸ任期內’’溫’言墨’哥戰’’’’’成奴隸’’反對奴隸’’’之間’緊’局勢’’’導’’國’內戰’
’溫’’論中敗’’’國贏’’那場戰’’’1848’2月’’國’墨’哥簽’’瓜’’’伊’爾戈’’’該’’’’’墨’哥’’割讓給’國’’’’’’’’福尼’’內華’’’’’’及’’’那’’’’’’羅’’’’墨’哥’’部分’區’五’’’’國’墨’哥購’’’塊’’’’’’’’墨’哥’’’’那’’’’’’’完成’’’’’’部邊’’
’統’生’’提議’墨’哥奪’’領’’什麽?’墨’哥’老’’斯提’老’’’少次’’奮戰’獲’’成爲墨’哥’’’心’’’’墨’哥’’邦’’’薩’托’’’’敦’’’’’!墨’哥’’說’“我’’’爲’’由’’’我’把我心’’’’’’園’手交給’’’’’’遜’’’嗎?’們’’’’’什麽?’們’’把’’薩斯’’手’’’們’’擁有’’’’斯’’’蘭’’之間’’’’’們還’什麽’’’我’失’’’戰場’那麽我’傳給’’’’’立之豐’’?”
’生’倘’有’’麻塞諸塞’’’民’’邦’’’倘’’國獅’那’’面’’有’個’齡’’’歲’’’’之歲之間’’不’毅’’’’’’戰’’?’’’’’’’’條’’不’’’’’’’?倘’’把’’’’’’由之戰’戰場’我們手中奪走’’有’’’’’不’堆’’’’’’’殺戮而’’不及掩’’’國’’’骨’?’’’’’’國’踐踏’’’邦’對’’’’’墨’哥’說’“’棄’們’國’’’’們不’擁有它’我’’有’’’’’我’’’’不’’那’’’’”’國’’’’’情’’’’’’’我們說’“’棄’’’’’’’’’棄’’勒’尼’’’邊’那’不’眼’’’’那’不’’曼’’’’馬’’不’’們’’國’’分之’領’’’’’最不’興趣’那部分領’’”那麽’我們’’’’答’?’們’說’我們必須把’’’讓給’翰’布’’爲什麽?“’’少’間”’’’’’參議Ⅸ說’必須’’’’’’天’’我’’’基督’’’’’’’據那條正’’原’’?“我’少’間’”
’生’’’’條’少’間’藉’’’’’’’’’擁有’億公頃’’’’’’種’夠’像’’’’由’募’’’’’’公頃’’價’’’’五’分’’’允’任’’選擇’喜’’任’’方’’’’’’’’參議Ⅸ說’數’內’我們’’’’’’’億’’’我們’少’間’倘’我’墨’哥’’我’’’’’’“’’們’’’國’’’有’葬’’’間嗎?’’’們’我’國’’’我們’用’’’雙手’接’們’’’’們’’’’’墓中’’”’
’’日’’我有’驚’’聽那’’’’’’’參議Ⅸ’稱’歐’’’快把我們忘’乾乾’’’’除’用’’戰’’喚醒’們’’’’’我’’參議Ⅸ’生’’’’統’生’’爲’“喚醒”’歐’’我’望’統’生’曉民’’’’’’識’’’’’’有’說’’曾’期’考’歷’’’期’考’’類’’’本質’’’’正’’’’’斯
鳩對’種“喚醒”方式’有什麽’’’’說’“’’’個民族’’鑑’’燥’’’話’那麽’個民族’有福’’”
’’’’參議Ⅸ’生’’’’不’’’’爲’’個民族除’’戰’著稱’’’’不’’個傑’’民族’’擔心’睡’歐’’’’察覺’’有’’’’’’’’’遜’’’’’路’’’’’正飛’’’’有’平’手’’’’’’文’’最完’’’’’’們對’’’’’’那麽’爲’’我們’’遠揚’’種創’歷’’民’方’’採’’絕妙手’’什麽’?’’’市’’毀’平’’福’’園’’殺’’’’Ⅷ’’生’’’’戰’’’而’還’殺婦’’’
有’個’’個問’’關’話’’’次提及’話’’’’我’抖’’’’我’忍不’’’’它’’’採’’個’’都’’’它’’論’’’種方式’動’場戰’’它都’’著’’我’’’奴隸’問’’顯而’見’反對奴隸’’’’’漫’’’個’’植’’我們稱之爲’’奴’’’有黨’’’心中’’心’’’’賓’’尼’’’亥’’’個最’’’’’’把’們’’’’’’交’’’我’’’’有’’’’’’樣做’’’推測’’由’’用’’’方’’生們’’’稱之爲偏見’慾望’虛僞’’熱’’’’’’’我’’不’’們’論’’實’’’’’我們關切’’’解’’個重’’’實’’我都’’變’’改變’個’’’’’我們’’’話’’’’’’說’我們不’’’不’’’’’不’’奴隸’’’方實’奴隸’’’’’們’裏’’奴隸’’’們不’打’’’’’’’’用’’’’’’而’’夠’話’’’’’們’’言’’’’’們’打算’’方’情’’’’?’望’們’樣’’’資’謀’那’’
’’’’’’’’’’望’們心甘情’’’棄’們把奴隸’’那’’’’’’那’’’’國’’’’’’’’們’那樣’’話’’’麼’’’?’生’我太’解’方’’’情’’’’’我對’們絲’不’’種’望’我’’’’們’竭盡’’’’’種’’’’’’們’不’’’’種’’’我’’’’’’’’問’’’雙方都’樣’執’見’(我’’’當我’’’’’’’候’我顫抖’’)
那麼’’’我們堅’’動戰’’’’戰’不’僅僅’’端’’生’’’’而’終’’必’(正’’議’’提議’那樣)’’’領’而’終’而’場’論必’立’’’’領’’繫’’’’’’那麼’’項議’’’’’徹’徹尾’’項引’內部’亂’議’’倘’我們’’’’場戰’’分鐘’’’’’’’’元’購’’’領’’’’公頃墨’哥’’’’話’’方’’方’’’’’’場雙方都不’妥’’衝’之中’誰’’見’’’’’’’誰’’’’’’’莽’’’面對’種衝’而’動’’’’’’個’’’識’’種衝’’’’’’而’不’’’’’’’情’折’’那麽’我’不’’幕’種’’心’’那麽’我們’爲’衆國’’’’’’’’’爲’’選’’衛’衆國’’們’爲什麽我們’’’戰’’結’必’迫’我們立’面對’場內戰’’’’續’場戰’’’’’場’’’衝’’’’’?’生’’切’說’’’’’’’對’衆國’’’’’對我們選民’最’’’’’’最’高’’’’最’惜’’望’’’’’引’’種衝’’風’’’種犯’’’種’’不’’’’’任’邪’’之’比’都’’華爲’’’’’’統’生’’我’’’’’’獄’夠’’’’’’’它煉獄中’妖’’’’’們’’’’’’’’諧’’’’’們憧憬’最’’’’福’景’話’那麽完’實’’個’鬼’圖’第’’’’’’’內戰’戰’’’’衆國’’’’’都’’’’’’內亂’’’’今天’我們’’’’’’’正’’潰’邊’之’’’我們’它’’’’潮’我們跟’翻’’’’’’還’’及’我們爲什麽不’停’’’?’’’’’路’’’著’’我’’說’’’唯’’’任’’謹’’’’正’國’路’讓我們’棄’切’’’獲’領’’’’’’而立’停止’動’場戰’’讓我們把’隊’’’’’立’把’們’’’我們’’’’’邊’內’’墨’哥’’’當’們說’們不’望’領任’’’’’’們’’誠’’墨’哥’’’’’’’們’諸’’’’’’不曾’諸’’話’那’’爲’’’’’’不’’’’打攪’們’給’’’平’我’’’擔’’’’’接’’平’不’’不論’’’’’’’們’有’’’’’照樣還’有’平’’們’’略導’’’場戰’’’們’’’’’’’’平’那麽’讓我們永遠’’閉’’內部敵對’’’’’’’老’’諧’’老’’’民族’盛’’恒’’’’’路’’’讓我們’’’’’’’’給’衆國’’’殿堂裏’’’莊’’’除邪’’儀式’’’我們手’’著’墨’哥’’’’’’’’壇’’’’’’我們’’’’’像’’’’’衛’’’’’’平’’衛’’間永恒’’’之情’
Against the Mexican War
What is the
territory, Mr. President, which you propose to wrest from Mexico? It is
consecrated to the heart of the Mexican by many a well-fought battle with his
old Castilian master. His Bunker Hills, and Saratogas, and Yorktowns are there!
The Mexican can say, "There I bled for liberty! and shall I surrender that
consecrated home of my affections to the Anglo-Saxon invaders? What do they want
with it? They have
Texas
already. They have possessed themselves of the territory between the
Nueces and the
Rio Grande.
What else do they want? To what shall I point my children as memorials of that
independence which I bequeath to them, when those battlefields shall have passed
from my possession?"
Sir, had
one come and demanded Bunker Hill of the people of Massachusetts, had England's
lion ever showed himself there, is there a man over thirteen and under ninety
who would not have been ready to meet him? Is there a river on this continent
that would not have run red with blood? Is there a field but would have been
piled high with unburied bones of slaughtered Americans before these consecrated
battlefields of liberty should have been wrested from us? But this same American
goes into a sister republic, and says to poor, weak Mexico, "Give up your
territory, you are unworthy to possess it; I have got one half already, and all
I ask of you is to give up the other!" England might as well, in the
circumstances I have described, have come and demanded of us, "Give up the
Atlantic slope--give up this trifling territory from the Allegheny Mountains to
the sea; it is only from Maine to St. Mary's--only about one third of your
Republic, and the least interesting portion of it." What would be the response?
They would say we must give this up to John Bull. Why? "He wants room." The
Senator from Michigan says he must have this. Why, my worthy Christian brother;
on what principle of justice? "I want room!"
Sir, look
at this pretense of want of room. With twenty millions of people, you have about
one thousand millions of acres of land, inviting settlement by every conceivable
argument, bringing them down to a quarter of a dollar an acre, and allowing
every man to squat where he pleases. But the Senator from Michigan says we will
be two hundred millions in a few years, and we want room. If I were a Mexican I
would tell you, "Have you not room enough in your own country to bury your dead?
If you come into mine, we will greet you with bloody hands, and welcome you to
hospitable graves." . . .
I was
somewhat amazed the other day to hear the Senator from Michigan declare that
Europe had quite forgotten us, till these battles waked them up. I suppose the
Senator feels grateful to the President for "waking up" Europe. Does the
President, who is, I hope, read in civic as well as military lore, remember the
saying of one who had pondered upon history long: long, too, upon man, his
nature, and true destiny. Montesquieu did not think highly of this way of
"waking up." "Happy," says he, "is that nation whose annals are tiresome."
The
Senator from Michigan has a different view. He thinks that a nation is not
distinguished until it is distinguished in war. He fears that the slumbering
faculties of Europe have not been able to ascertain that there are twenty
millions of Anglo-Saxons here, making railroads and canals, and speeding all the
arts of peace to the utmost accomplishment of the refined civilization! They do
not know it! And what is the wonderful expedient which this democratic method of
making history would adopt in order to make us known? Storming cities,
desolating peaceful, happy homes; shooting men--ay, sir, such is war--and
shooting women, too. . . .
There is
one topic connected with this subject which I tremble when I approach, and yet I
cannot forbear to notice it. It meets you in every step you take; it threatens
you which way soever you go in the prosecution of this war. I allude to the
question of slavery. Opposition to its further extension, it must be obvious to
everyone, is a deeply rooted determination with men of all parties in what we
call the nonslaveholding states. New York, Pennsylvania, and Ohio, three of the
most powerful, have already sent their legislative instructions here. So it will
be, I doubt not. in all the rest. It is vain now to speculate about the reasons
for this. Gentlemen of the South may call it prejudice, passion, hypocrisy,
fanaticism. I shall not dispute with them now on that point. The great fact that
it is so, and not otherwise, is what it concerns us to know, You and I cannot
alter or change this opinion. if we would. These people only say we will not,
cannot consent that you shall carry slavery where it does not already exist.
They do not seek to disturb you in that institution as it exist in your states.
Enjoy it if you will and as you. will. This is their language; this their
determination. How is it in the South? Can it be expected that they should
expend in common their blood and their treasure in the acquisition of immense
territory, and then willingly forgo the right to carry thither their slaves, and
inhabit the conquered country if they please to do so? Sir, I know the feelings
and opinions of the South too well to calculate on this. Nay, I believe they
would even contend to any extremity for the mere right, had they no wish to
exert it. I believe (and I confess I tremble when the conviction presses upon
me) that there is equal obstinacy on both sides of this fearful question.
If then,
we persist in war, which, if it terminates in anything short of a mere wanton
waste of blood as well as money, must end (as this bill proposes ) in the
acquisition of territory, to which at once this controversy must attach--this
bill would seem to be nothing less than a bill to produce internal commotion.
Should we prosecute this war another moment, or expend one dollar in the
purchase or conquest of a single lore of Mexican land, the North and the South
are brought into collision on a point where neither will yield. Who can foresee
or foretell the result! Who so bold or reckless as to look such a conflict in
the face unmoved! I do not envy the heart of him who can realize the possibility
of such a conflict without emotions too painful to be endured. Why, then, shall
we, the representatives of the sovereign states of the Union--the chosen
guardians of this confederated Republic, why should we precipitate this fearful
struggle, by continuing a war the result of which must be to force us at once
upon a civil conflict? Sir, rightly considered, this is treason, treason to the
Union, treason to the dearest interests, the loftiest aspirations, the most
cherished hopes of our constituents. It is a crime to risk the possibility of
such a contest. It is a crime of such infernal hue that every other in the
catalogue of iniquity, when compared with it, whitens into virtue. Oh, Mr.
President, it does seem to me, if hell itself could yawn and vomit up the fiends
that inhabit its penal abodes, commissioned to disturb the harmony of this
world, and dash the fairest prospect of happiness that ever allured the hopes of
men, the first step in the consummation of this diabolical purpose would be to
light up the fires of internal war and plunge the sister states of this Union
into the bottomless gulf of civil strife. We stand this day on the crumbling
brink of that gulf--we see its bloody eddies wheeling and boiling before
us--shall we not pause before it be too late? How plain again is here the path,
I may add the only way, of duty, of prudence, of true patriotism. Let us abandon
all idea of acquiring further territory and by consequence cease at once to
prosecute this war. Let us call home our armies, and bring them at once within
our own acknowledged limits. Show Mexico that you are sincere when you say you
desire nothing by conquest. She has learned that she cannot encounter you in
war, and if she had not, she is too weak to disturb you here. Tender her peace,
and, my life on it, she will then accept it. But whether she shall or not, you
will have peace without her consent. It is your invasion that has made war; your
retreat will restore peace. Let us then close forever the approaches of internal
feud, and so return to the ancient concord and the old ways of national
prosperity and permanent glory. Let us here, in this temple consecrated to the
Union, perform a solemn lustration; let us wash Mexican blood from our hands,
and on these altars, and in the presence of that image of the Father of his
Country that looks down upon us, swear to preserve honorable peace with all the
world and eternal brotherhood with each other.
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