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’’’’衛’梭羅
(HENRY DAVID THOREAU)
論公民’不’’
Civil Disobedience
’’個監’正’之’’’’統’之’’正’之’’’正棲身之’’’’監獄’
’’’’衛’梭羅(1817－1862)’’雜文’’詩’’’’’’’’改革’’Ｗ學’’’’生’馬薩諸塞’’’’’’畢’’’’’學’’擔任’數’’學’’之’’梭羅’’’’詩’論’’’’爲’終生’’’’’’’爾夫’’爾’’’’生’’’’’’驗’’’動’’’領’’’’漫’’’改革結’’’’’’驗’’推’’覺’’覺勝’’智’’揚個’’’’內’’心’’’完整’’’’’音’
梭羅’打’’’’文謀生’’’’’’未給’’’什麼’’’’’’’’’’路不’’’不’’’中’’’筆’裏’’’1845’’’’’’’歲’’’’’心’’’錢’羈絆’’’’’’生’’’’’’’’生擁有’離’’’’’里’’’塘’’’’’’’’
1846’7月’梭羅’’’’’塘’’當’’警’找’’’’支’投票’’儘管’’’數’未’’’個’’’’梭羅’絕支’’款’當’’警’把’關’’’’’監獄裏’第’天’’’未’’身’’’’’’’’’梭羅’’母支’’’款’’’獲釋’’不’’’’’’’’’’’’不’’’個’’奴隸’’’對墨’哥’動’國’’戰’’’’交’’’準備’’’解釋’’’動’’說’’’’1849’’’’’’’說’’當’’’’文章’有引’什麽反’’’’’’’’’’末’’’文章’成’’’之’’’國際’’’’’批’’’’’夫’托爾斯’’1900’讀’’’文章’對它’’不’’’雄’甘’’’’當’’’’’讀’’文章爲觸犯’種族’視’’’’’’’’’甘’’’梭羅’’’’成’’’終生’暴’反抗’’極’’’正’’勢’’’’’’甘’’梭羅’’’變成’’’’動’’’’’’’’’’’’’輕’’馬’’路’’’’’’甘’’’’’梭羅’’’’’’國民’’動’’’基礎中’’’’生’
我由’’’’’個警’’’“最’’’’’管’最少’’’”’我’望’’’個警’迅’而’’統’’’實’’我’’’實’’’’最終結’’’’’“最’’’’’’本不’’’’’’’”’當’們做’準備之’’’樣’’’’’’們’’接’’’’’’’’’’不’’’種’’之’’而’部分’’’有’’有’’’’都’不’’’’對’’’備’’反對’見’’’’’’’而’’應’’導’’’它們最終’’轉變成反對’’’’’’備’隊不’’’’’’’’支’’’’’本身’’不’’’民選擇’’’’們’志’’式’’’民還’不及’’它’’’之’’它’樣’’’’’濫用’’用’’’當’’墨’哥戰’’它’少數’個’’’’’’當’’’’結’’’爲’’’’’’’民本’’不’’採’’種’’’
目’’個’國’’’’它不’’’種傳統’儘管’歷’還不’’’’竭’’’’原’不動’’’’傳’’’’’’都喪失掉’’’身’誠實’正’’它’’’’’’還頂不’’個’’’’爲’個’’’’心’欲’’’它’對’’民’說’’’’支木’’’倘’’們’’’用它互’’殺’它’’’’’裂’不’’儘管’’’它’仍’’必不’少’’’爲’們需’’種複雜機器之類’’’’’需’聽它’’’噪音’藉’滿足’們對’’’之’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’爲’’民’’’’’’’’成’’’用’欺’’民’’’’’’’民’用’欺’’’’我們’’都必須’’’’’’不’’不’’’種’’’未’動’’’’任’’’’它’’’’’’脫’’’它未’衛國’’’由’它未解’’部問’’它未’’教’’迄今’’有’成’’都’由’國’民’傳統’’完成’’而’’假’’’不曾’中’梗’話’本’還’’’’’’成’’’爲’’’’種’’之’’’’它’們’’’’’’不’’’而’’’’’’’最’’’’’’’’最不’’’’’’’民’’’’商’’’假’不’用’’橡膠’成’話’絕’’’’’議Ⅸ們’完’’’’’’’路障’倘’完’’議Ⅸ們’動’’’’而不’’’們’動’’圖’評價’話’那麽’們’’’當’’應當’視’’’’’路’’路障’’’’’’’’’應’’’’
’’’’實’’’個公民’身’’說’我不像那’’稱’’’’’’’’’我’’’不’立’’’’’’而’立’’有個’’’’’’’讓’’個’都’’’贏’’’’’’什麽樣’’’’’樣’’’爲贏’’種’’邁’’’’’’’’’當’’’握’’民手中’’候’’數’’有’統’’而’’續’期統’’’實際原’不’’爲’們極’’’正’’’’不’’爲’’少數’’’’最公正’’而’’爲’們’’質’’最’’’’’’’’個由’數’’’’有’’’’’’’不’’’立’正’之’’’’’’’們對’’’解’’’’都辦不’’’’個’’中’’’對公正’謬’’正’’’’’不’’數’而’’’’’’’數’僅僅’對那’’’’用’’’’解’’問’做’’’’難’’不’’’嗎?公民必須’’’’暫’’’最’限’’把’’’’’’’給議Ⅸ嗎’那麽’爲什麽’個’還都有’’’?我’爲’我們首’必須做’’’’’’’民’培’’們像’重正’’樣’重’’’不’’’’我有’’擔’唯’’務’不論’’都’’我’爲’正’’’’’’
那麽’個’應當’樣對’當今’’國’’’?我’’答’’’’交’有’’’’我絕對不’’’’爲奴隸’’’’’個’’機’’我’’’’
’’都’’革’’’’’’當’’’暴’’’’’’’’’’’’忍’’’候’有’’絕爲’’’’’’’它’’’’’’’’’’有’都說’’’’情’’’’’’’們’爲’1775’’情’’’’’’’’有’對我說’’個’’’’’’它對’’’’’’’’國’課’’我極有’’’’動’’’’爲’有’’’國’’我照樣’’日’’’有’機器都’不’産生摩擦’’’’’’’’有’’弊端’’’’不管’麽說’爲’興’動衆’’錯’錯’’’’’’’摩擦控’’整個機器’’’’有組織’欺壓’掠奪’那麽’’讓我們扔掉’部機器’’換’話說’’’’’個’’爲’’由’’’’’國’裏’’’’六分之’’奴隸’’’整個國’任由’個’國’隊蹂’’’’’’’’’’管之’’那麽’我’爲’誠實’’都應立’奮’反抗’革’’’’個’任變’’’迫切’’’’個’’’蹂’’國’不’我國’’’’反’我們’’隊’正’’’’’隊’’
’實’’反對麻塞諸塞’改革’’不’’方’’把’’’而’’’’’’’’商’’’場’’’們’’興趣’’’們’商’’’’’而不’’們屬’’類’個’實’不論’’什麽’價’’們都不打算公平對’奴隸’墨’哥’我’’之’論’敵’’不’遠’天’’而’那’’’我們’圍’敵’’’們’遠方’敵’’’’’照’們’旨’辦’’’不’’’’’話’遠方’敵’不’爲’’我們習’’說’’衆還未做’準備’’’情’’改善’’’’’’爲’’少數’實質’’不比’數’高’’少’’’少’’’’樹立’種絕對’善’比’讓’’’都像’’麽’’重’’’爲絕對’善’像酵母’樣’’整體’’成’’’’’有反對奴隸’’反對戰’’’’’’實際’’未做任’’情’結’奴隸’’戰’’’們’’爲’華盛’’’蘭’’’’’’’’’手插’褲兜裏’坐’那’’藉’不’’該做’什麽’而’’’’’’們’’’’考’’由’’問’’而不’’關’由’問’’飯’’’們’’’’’間讀’價’’’’墨’哥’’’’’’’讀’讀著’睡著’’’
’國’’’蛻變成’’’傢伙’’’’交際’器’’’而著稱’’’’顯示’智’’’’’’’喜’’’’’’’最最關心’’’’救濟’情’’’’’還未’’’’’’’’’’’募’’扶’’寡’儘管’’’寡眼’還不’’寡’’之’’’’’’互’’’公’’資’’日’’而該公’’’答應爲’體面’’葬’’
不公正’’’仍’’’’我們必須心甘情’’’’’’’’’還’’’’’正它們’’’它們’’我們’’成’’’’立’’’它們’’’當’’種’’統’’’’們普’’爲應等’’’’說’’’數’’改變它們’’們’爲’’’’們’’’話’’樣’正’結’’比原’’謬’’’’不’’’’’正’結’’比原’’謬’’’’話’那’’’’’錯’’’’’’變’’’’’爲什麽’’不善’’見改革’爲’提’機’’’爲什麽’’不’惜少數’’智’’?爲什麽’’不見棺’不落’’?爲什麽’’不鼓’老百’提高警惕’爲’’’’錯’而避’犯錯’’?爲什麽’’’’把基督’’’’’’’把哥白尼’路’’’教’’’’’華盛’’’蘭’’’’亂分’’?”’
’’不公正’’’機器必’産生’’擦’’部分’那麽’讓它’’’讓它’’’’’它’’’’’’’’不’’’’疑’’機器終’’徹’’’掉’’’’不公正’那部分有’’’’’簧滑輪’繩’’’’曲’’那麽’’’’考’’正’結’’不’比原’’謬’’’’’’’’’不公正’那部分’本質’’’’’’之’還’’’’’那我說’’管’’’’’’’’生’’爲反’擦’機’’’止’部機器’’我不’不做’’’’論’’都’’’我不爲我’唾棄’謬’’勞’
’’採’’’’’’提’’’正謬’’方’’我聽都’聽’’那’方’太’’日’不等它們’’’’’’’黃’’’我還有’’’’’’我’’’’’’’不’爲’把’’’變成個’日’’’’方’而’’’’’’’日’’不管它’’日’還’’日’’’個’辦不’’’件’’’’’’做’’’正’爲’不必樣樣’情都’做’’’’’不’’’做’什麽錯’’’’’’議Ⅸ們用不著’我請’’我’犯不著’’們請’’’’’們不聽’我’請’’那麽我該’麽辦’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’絕’路’’’憲’本身’’’謬’’’’’’’顯’粗暴’’’’’’調’之’’’’’最溫’’最體’’’’’’’用’’夠’賞它’’’夠’’’它’’’’切’’情’’轉’變’都’’’’正’’撼整個’體’生’’’樣’
我’’反’’’爲’’’’稱’奴’’’’’都必須立’’’對麻塞諸塞’’’’’’’’’’支援’不必等’’奴’’’’’’中’成’數’不必等’’們讓正’’’’們’’’風’動手’我’爲’’’有’’’’’們’邊’話’’足夠’’不必’等’’個’’’’’任’’’’比’圍’’’正’’’’’’’成’’’’’數’’
’’個監’正’之’’’’統’之’’正’之’’’正棲身之’’’’監獄’當今麻塞諸塞’爲’由’奮’圖’之’提’’唯’妥當’’’’’監獄’’獄中’’們爲’’’’’’而煩’’’’鋼’’’生’之’’’爲’們’原’’’給’們’’麻煩’’’’’奴隸’’假釋’墨’哥’犯’申’白’犯’’’’’’第’’’’’監獄裏找’’們’’那個’’’絕’’’’’由’’’’’’方找’’們’那’’’’’’不順’’’’’’’’方’’’奴’’裏’個’由’唯’’夠驕傲’’’’’方’’’有’’爲’們’’’’’失’監獄裏’’們’’’不’’傳’’’’耳朵裏’’們’’’囹’’壁之內’’’爲敵’那麽’們’’錯’’’’比謬’’’’’’’’對’正’有’’’親身體驗’’’’’正’鬥’’’雄’有’’’’投’’’’票’那不僅僅’’’’條’而’’’’部’’’當少數’’數’’’’’’少數’’足輕重’’它’’算不’’少數’’’當少數’’身’重’凝’’’’’’’不’抗’’’麽把’有正’’’都投’監獄’’麽’棄戰’’奴隸’’’’’’’’’之間做’選擇’話’’’’’’不’豫’做’選擇’’’今’有’’’不交’’那不’暴’’’’’’動’’’’交’’不’’那’’’’’’’’暴’’讓’’’’’’’’實’’’正’’平革’’’’’’’’平革’’’’’話’’’’務’’’’’’’Ⅸ問我’正’有’’Ⅸ問我’那樣’“那麽’我’麽辦’?”我’’答’’“’’’’’望做什麽’話’那’’辭職’”’’’民’絕’’’’Ⅸ辭職’那麽革’’成’’’’’假’’’導’’’’話’難’當’心’傷’’’候’不’’嗎’’’心’創傷裏’’’’’’’概’永生’’’’永’’’’’’之中’’’’’’我’’’’種’’’’
我’’六’未交投票’’’我還’’爲’’’監獄’關’’’’當我’’’’裏’打’著’’’石壁’那石壁足有’’’尺’’’木結’’’有’尺’’還有那’’’’’’’我不由’對當局’’’頗有’’’’們對’我’’’像我不’’’’’’’’’’肉之軀’我’’當局最終應當’’’麽個結論’監’’它’’我’最’辦’’而’我還’未’’我還’對它 有什麽用’’我’’’’’說我’’親之間擋著堵石牆’話’那麽’們’’’獲’我’種’由’話’’們還’’’’打’’堵比’石牆’難對’’牆’’’我’’’不覺’’’’’’’著’’牆’’’’’’太’’石’’灰’’’我覺’’’’’有公民中’’有我’’’’款’’們顯’不’’該’樣對’我’’們’’止’像’’教’’’’’們’’’’維’樣樣都顯’’Ｔ’’’’們’爲我’’’’’’’堵牆’’’邊’我不’覺’’’’我’’’’’’們’煞有介’’鎖’’’’’’不’我’’緒’跟’’們身’’’’’’絲’不’任’’礙’而’們’’’’正’’’’’’們’’’’不’我’’打’’’’’我’身軀’’像’’童’’’’’’們憎’’’’’衝’’’’野’我’’’’’’個傻’’’’’’揣著銀匙’’’’’生生’’’’’’’友’敵’都分不’’’我’’對它失’’’有’’’’我’憐它’
’’’’未打算正視’個’’智’’’’’’’而僅僅著眼’’’軀體’’’’它不’’’’’智’’’誠’而’’’’’體’’’裝’’’我不’生’讓’支’’’我’’照我’’’方式’生’’讓我們’’’誰’最’’’什麽’’’産生’’?’們’’’迫’’’’我順’’’爲我’聽’’’’’我’’’’’們’迫’我成爲像’們那樣’’’我還不曾聽說’’有’’衆’’迫著’樣生’’那樣生’’那’’什麽樣’生’’?當我’’’’’對我說’“把’’錢給我’不’’’’’’’我爲什麽’忙著給它錢’?那’’’’’境’迫不堪’而’不’’措’我不’幫它’忙’它必須像我’樣’’’’辦’’不值’爲’樣’’’ＺＺ啼啼’我’職’不’讓’’機器’轉’’’我不’’’’’’’’我’爲’當橡’’’’’排’樹’掉’’’’它們不’’’生’’’’謙讓’而’’’遵’’’’’’’’’’生’’盡’’’’’盛’’’’’有’天’’中’’棵’’’’棵’’’毀’它’’’植’不’’’’’本’生’’那麽它’’’’’’’’樣’’
我不’’任’’’國’’’’我不’’’角’’’我標’比’’’’我倒傾’’’爲’我’’’’遵’我國’’’’’由’我’太’’遵’’’’’’’我完’有’由’疑我有’毛’’’’’當’務’’’’’我’’忙著’’國’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’民’’’’’’找’個遵’’’由’我’’’’’’快’’’除我’’類操勞’那麽我簡’’’’’國民’樣’國’’’較’’次’角’’’憲’儘管有’’’’還’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’個’’’’’個’國’’’’’方面’’’’’’’’’’’難’’’’’’’’’’對’’們’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’高’次’角’’’它們’不’’我’’繪’那個樣’’’’’’高’最高’次’角’’’那麽有誰’說它們’什麽’’’’’’’’爲它們還’讓’’’’眼’’’值’讓’考’考’’?
不’’’’’我’’’關’’我盡’’不考’它’我不’生’’’’之’’我’’不’生’’’個’’’’’’’個’’’’由’幻’’由’’像’由’那麽不’由’’’’’’’’絕不’’期’’’’蠢’統’’改’’們不’’徹’妨礙’
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’’’’’’’’’我’’’’’’’’’’爲我樂’’’那’比我’博’比我’’’’’’’’’’’情’’我’’樂’’’那’不’那麽’博’’不’那麽’’’’’’’種’’’還’不’正’’’’’’’’正’’’’’講’’’必須獲’’’’’’’’’贊成’’’除’我’’’’’它’’對我’身心’’産’’’’’’極’’’’’限’’’’’’限’’’’’民’’’’’’朝著’正’重個’’方’’’’’民’’’’我們’’’’民’’’’’’’’’盡’’嗎?不’’’’’’’’組織’’’’’嗎?除’國’’’個’’’高’’’立’’’’而’國’’’’’’’’’’’個’’’’’’’’對’個’方面採’’應’措’’’’’絕對不’有’正’由’’’國’’我樂’’’國’’最終’’’它’公正’對’’有’’’’重個’’像’重’’’樣’’’有’’’’’’’’’’職’’’’’避’’’’眼’’’不爲’’’’’話’它’寢食不’’’’’’個國’’夠結’’樣’’實’’’聽’儘快’熟蒂落’話’那麽它’爲’成’’完’’’’輝煌’國’’平’’路’那’我’像’’’’任’’方都不曾’’’國’’
Civil Disobedience
I heartily
accept the motto--"That government is best which governs least;" and I should
like to see it acted up to more rapidly and systematically. Carried out, it
finally amounts to this, which also I believe,--"That government is best which
governs not at all;" and when men are prepared for it, that will be the kind of
government which they will have. Government is at best but an expedient; but
most governments are usually, and all governments are sometimes, inexpedient.
The objections which have been brought against a standing army, and they are
many and weighty, and deserve to prevail, may also at last be brought against a
standing government. The standing army is only an arm of the standing
government. The government itself, which is only the mode which the people have
chosen to execute their will, is equally liable to be abused and perverted
before the people can act through it. Witness the present Mexican war, the work
of comparatively a few individuals using the standing government as their tool;
for, in the outset, the people would not have consented to this measure.
This
American government,--what is it but a tradition, though a recent one,
endeavoring to transmit itself unimpaired to posterity, but each instant losing
some of its integrity? It has not the vitality and force of a single living man;
for a single man can bend it to his will. It is a sort of wooden gun to the
people themselves; and, if ever they should use it in earnest as a real one
against each other, it will surely split. But it is not the less necessary for
this; for the people must have some complicated machinery or other, and hear its
din, to satisfy that idea of government which they have. Governments show thus
how successfully men can be imposed on, even impose on themselves, for their own
advantage. It is excellent, we must all allow; yet this government never of
itself furthered any enterprise, but by the alacrity with which it got out of
its way. It does not keep the country free. It does not settle the West. It does
not educate. The character inherent in the American people has done all that has
been accomplished; and it would have done somewhat more, if the government had
not sometimes got in its way. For government is an expedient by which men would
fain succeed in letting one another alone; and, as has been said, when it is
most expedient, the governed are most let alone by it. Trade and commerce, if
they were not made of India rubber, would never manage to bounce over the
obstacles which legislators are continually putting in their way; and, if one
were to judge these men wholly by the effects of their actions, and not partly
by their intentions, they would deserve to be classed and punished with those
mischievous persons who put obstructions on the railroads.
But, to
speak practically and as a citizen, unlike those who call themselves
no-government men, I ask for, not at once no government, but at once a better
government. Let every man make known what kind of government would command his
respect, and that will be one step toward obtaining it.
After
all, the practical reason why, when the power is once in the hands of the
people, a majority are permitted, and for a long period continue. to rule, is
not because they are most likely to be in the night, nor because this seems
fairest to the minority, but because they are physically the strongest. But a
government in which the majority rule in all cases cannot be based on justice.
even as far as men understand it. Can there not be a government in which
majorities do not virtually decide right and wrong, but conscience?--in which
majorities decide only those questions to which the rule of expediency in
applicable? Must the citizen ever for a moment, or in the least degree, resign
his conscience to the legislator? Why has every man a conscience, then? I think
that we should be men first, and subjects afterward. It is not desirable to
cultivate a respect for the law, so much as for the right. The only obligation
which I have a right to assume, is to do at any time what I think right....
How does
it become a man to behave toward this American government to-day? I answer that
he cannot without disgrace be associated with it. I cannot for an instant
recognize that political organization as my government which is the slave's
government also.
All men
recognize the right of revolution; that is. the right to refuse allegiance to
and to resist the government, when its tyranny or its inefficiency are great and
unendurable. But almost all say that such is not the case now. But such was the
case, they think, in the Revolution of ‘75. If one were to tell me that this was
a bad government because it taxed certain foreign commodities brought to its
ports, it is most probable that I should not make an ado about it, for I can do
without them; all machines have their friction; and possibly this does enough
good to counterbalance the evil. At any rate, it is a great evil to make a stir
about it. But when the friction comes to have its machine, and oppression and
robbery are organized, I say, let us not have such a machine any longer. In
other words, when a sixth of the population of a nation which has undertaken to
be the refuge of liberty are slaves, and a whole country is unjustly overrun and
conquered by a foreign army, and subject to military law, I think that it is not
too soon for honest men to rebel and revolutionize. What makes this duty the
more urgent is the fact, that the country so overrun is not our own, but ours is
the invading army. . . .
Practically speaking, the opponents to a reform in
Massachusetts
are not a hundred thousand politicians at the South, but a hundred thousand
merchants and farmers here, who are more interested in commerce and agriculture
than they are in humanity, and are not prepared to do justice to the slave and
to Mexico, cost what it may. I quarrel not with far-off foes, but with those
who, near at home, co-operate with, and do the bidding of those far away, and
without whom the latter would be harmless. We are accustomed to say, that the
mass of men are unprepared; but improvement is slow, because the few are not
materially wiser or better than the many. It is not so important that many
should be as good as you, as that there be some absolute goodness somewhere; for
that will leaven the whole lump. There are thousands who are in opinion opposed
to slavery and to the war, who yet in effect do nothing to put an end to them;
who, esteeming themselves children of Washington and Franklin, sit down with
their hands in their pockets, and say that they know not what to do, and do
nothing; who even postpone the question of freedom to the question of
free-trade, and quietly read the prices current along with the latest advices
from Mexico, after dinner, and, it may be, fall asleep over them both. . . .
The
American has dwindled into an Odd Fellow,--one who may be known by the
development of his organ of gregariousness, and a manifest lack of intellect and
cheerful self-reliance; whose first and chief concern, on coming into the world,
is to see that the alms-houses are in good repair; and, before yet he has
lawfully donned the virile garb, to collect a fund for the support of the widows
and orphans that may be; who, in short, ventures to live only by the aid of the
mutual insurance company, which has promised to bury him decently. . . .
Unjust
laws exist: shall we be content to obey them, or shall we endeavor to amend
them, and obey them until we have succeeded, or shall we transgress them at
once? Men generally, under such a government as this, think that they ought to
wait until they have persuaded the majority to alter them. They think that, if
they should resist, the remedy would be worse than the evil. But it is the fault
of the government itself that the remedy is worse than the evil. It makes it
worse. Why is it not more apt to anticipate and provide for reform? Why does it
not cherish its wise minority? Why does it cry and resist before it is hurt? Why
does it not encourage its citizens to be on the alert to point out its faults,
and do better than it would have them? Why does it always crucify Christ, and
excommunicate Copernicus and Luther, and pronounce Washington and Franklin
rebels? ...
If the
injustice is part of the necessary friction of the machine of government, let it
go, let it go: perchance it will wear smooth,--certainly the machine will wear
out. If the injustice has a spring, or a pulley, or a rope, or a crank,
exclusively for itself, then perhaps you may consider whether the remedy will
not be worse than the evil; but if it is of such a nature that it requires you
to be the agent of injustice to another, then, I say, break the law. Let your
life be a counter friction to stop the machine. What I have to do is to see, at
any rate, that I do not lend myself to the wrong which I condemn.
As for
adopting the ways which the State has provided for remedying the evil, I know
not of such ways. They take too much time, and a man's life will be gone. I have
other affairs to attend to. I came into this world, not chiefly to make this a
good place to life, but to live in it, be it good or bad. A man has not
everything to do, but something; and because he cannot do every thing, it is not
necessary that he should do something wrong. It is not my business to be
petitioning the governor or the legislature any more than it is theirs to
petition me; and if they should not hear my petition, what should I do then? But
in this case the State has provided no way: its very Constitution is the evil.
This may seem to be harsh and stubborn and unconciliatory; but it is to treat
with the utmost kindness and consideration the only spirit that can appreciate
or deserves it. So is all change for the better, like birth and death which
convulse the body.
I do not
hesitate to say, that those who call themselves abolitionists should at once
effectually withdraw their support, both in person and property, from the
government of Massachusetts, and not wait till they constitute a majority of
one, before they suffer the right to prevail through them, I think that it is
enough if they have God on their side, without waiting for that other one.
Moreover, any man more right than his neighbors constitutes a majority of one
already....
Under a
government which imprisons any unjustly, the true place for a just man is also
in prison. The proper place to-day, the only place which Massachusetts has
provided for her freer and less desponding spirits, is in her prisons, to be put
out and locked out of the State by her own act, as they have already put
themselves out by their principles. It is there that the fugitive slave, and the
Mexican prisoner on parole, and the Indian come to plead the wrongs of his race,
should find them; on that separate, but more free and honorable ground, where
the State places those who are not with her, but against her,--the only house in
a slave-state in which a free man can abide with honor. If any think that their
influence would be lost there, and their voices no longer afflict the ear of the
State, that they would not be as an enemy within its walls, they do not know by
how much truth is stronger than error, nor how much more eloquently and
effectively he can combat injustice who has experienced a little in his own
person. Cast your whole vote, not a strip of paper merely, but your whole
influence. A minority is powerless while it conforms to the majority; it is not
even a minority then; but it is irresistible when it clogs by its whole weight.
If the alternative is to keep all just men in prison, or give up -war and
slavery, the State will not hesitate which to choose. If a thousand men were not
to pay their tax-bills this year, that would not be a violent and bloody
measure, as it would be to pay them, and enable the State to commit violence and
shed innocent blood. This is, in fact, the definition of a peaceable revolution,
if any such is possible. If the tax-gatherer, or any other public officer, asks
me, as one has done, "But what shall I do?" my answer is, "If you really wish to
do anything, resign our office." When the subject has refused allegiance, and
the officer has resigned his office, then the revolution is accomplished. But
even suppose blood should flow. Is there not a sort of blood shed when the
conscience is wounded? Through this wound a man's real manhood and immortality
flow out, and he bleeds to an everlasting death. I see this blood flowing now. .
. .
I have
paid no poll-tax for six years. I was put into a jail once on this account, for
one night: and, as I stood considering the walls of solid stone, two or three
feet thick, the door of wood and iron, a foot thick, and the iron grating which
strained the light, I could not help being struck with the foolishness of that
institution which treated me as if I were mere flesh and blood and bones, to be
locked up. I wondered that it should have concluded at length that this was the
best use it could put me to, and had never thought to avail itself of my
services in some way. I saw that, if there was a wall of stone between me and my
townsmen, there was a still more difficult one to climb or break through, before
they could get to be as free as I was. I did not for a moment feel confined, and
the walls seemed a great waste of stone and mortar. I felt as if I alone of all
my townsmen had paid my lax. They plainly did not know how to treat me, but
behaved like persons who are underbred. In every threat and in every compliment
there was a blunder; for they thought that my chief desire was to stand the
other side of that stone wall. I could not but smile to see how industriously
they locked the door on my meditations, which followed them out again without
let or hinderance, and they were really all that was dangerous. As they could
not reach me, they had resolved to punish my body; just as boys, if they cannot
come at some person against whom they have a spite, will abuse his dog. I saw
that the State was half-witted, that it was timid as a lone woman with her
silver spoons, and that it did not know its friends from its foes, and I lost
all my remaining respect for it, and pitied it.
Thus the
State never intentionally confronts a man's sense, intellectual or moral, but
only his body, his senses, It is not armed with superior wit or honesty, but
with superior physical strength. I was not born to be forced. I will breathe
after my own fashion. Let us see who is the strongest. What force has a
multitude? They only can force me who obey a higher law than I. They force me to
become like themselves. I do not hear of men being forced to live this way or
that by masses of men. What sort of life were that to live? When I meet a
government which says to me, "Your money or your life," why should I be in haste
to give it my money? It may be in a great strait, and not know what to do: I
cannot help that. It must help itself; do as I do. It is not worth the while to
snivel about it. I am not responsible for the successful working of the
machinery of society. I am not the son of the engineer. I perceive that, when an
acorn and a chestnut fall side by side, the one does not remain inert to make
way for the other, but both obey their own laws, and spring and grow and
flourish as best they can, till one, perchance, overshadows and destroys the
other. If a plant cannot live according to its nature, it dies; and so a man. .
. .
I do not
wish to quarrel with any man or nation. I do not wish to split hairs, to make
fine distinctions, or set myself up as better than my neighbors. I seek rather,
I may say, even an excuse for conforming to the laws of the land. I am but too
ready to conform to them. Indeed I have reason to suspect myself on this head;
and each year, as the tax-gatherer comes round, I find myself disposed to review
the acts and position of the general and state governments, and the spirit of
the people, to discover a pretext for conformity. I believe that the State will
soon be able to take all my work of this sort out of my hands, and then I shall
be no better a patriot than my fellow-countrymen. Seen from a lower point of
view, the Constitution, with all its faults, is very good; the law and the
courts are very respectable; even this State and this American government are,
in many respects, very admirable and rare things, to be thankful for, such as a
great many have described them; but seen from a point of view a little higher,
they are what I have described them; seen from a higher still, and the highest,
who shall say what they are, or that they are worth looking at or thinking of at
all?
However,
the government does not concern me much, and I shall bestow the fewest possible
thoughts on it. It is not many moments that I live under a government, even in
this world. If a man is thought-free, fancy-free, imagination-free, that which
is not never for a long time appearing to be to him, unwise rulers or reformers
cannot fatally interrupt him. . . .
The
authority of government, even such as I am willing to submit to,--for I will
cheerfully obey those who know and can do better than I, and in many things even
those who neither know nor can do so well,--is still an impure one: to be
strictly just, it must have the sanction and consent of the governed. It can
have no pure right over my person and property but what I concede to it. The
progress from an absolute to a limited monarchy, from a limited monarchy to a
democracy, is a progress toward a true respect for the individual. Is a
democracy, such as we know it, the last improvement possible in government? Is
it not possible to take a step further towards recognizing and organizing the
rights of man? There will never be a really free and enlightened State, until
the State comes to recognize the individual as a higher and independent power,
from which all its own power and authority are derived, and treats him
accordingly. I please myself with imagining a State at last which can afford to
be just to all men, and to treat the individual with respect as a neighbor,
which even would not think it inconsistent with its own repose, if a few were to
live aloof from it, not meddling with it, nor embraced by it, who fulfilled all
the duties of neighbors and fellowmen. A State which bore this kind of fruit,
and suffered it to drop off as fast as it ripened, would prepare the way for a
still more perfect and glorious State, which also I have imagined, but not yet
anywhere seen.
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