29 March 2001 Under Secretary of State-designate John Bolton on Arms Control President Bush's nominee to be under secretary of state for arms control and international security affairs, John Bolton, told the Senate Foreign Relations Committee March 29 that he considers "sound, verifiable arms control agreements and energetic non-proliferation strategies" to be "critical elements of American foreign policy." Appearing at his confirmation hearing, Bolton pointed to administration goals to reduce the U.S. nuclear arsenal, support South Korea's efforts to engage its neighbor to the north, and build effective missile defenses that will protect not only all 50 American states from rogue missile attack or accidental missile launches, but also U.S. allies and military forces deployed overseas. He indicated that the United States will engage both Russia and China on the subject of missile defense. He also said the administration will not ask Congress, during its current session, to ratify the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty (CTBT), and he called for Russia to end sales of destabilizing weapons to nations such as Iran. Following is the text of Bolton's statement as prepared for delivery: Statement of John R. Bolton Before the Senate Foreign Relations Committee March 29, 2001 Mr. Chairman, and members of the Committee, it is a great honor to appear before you today as President Bush's nominee to be Under Secretary of State for Arms Control and International Security. This is the third time I have appeared before this Committee as a nominee, and my fourth Senate hearing as such (the other being before another Committee well known to Senator Biden). I am deeply indebted to the President and to Secretary of State Powell for proposing me for this position, and, if confirmed, I will strive mightily to justify the confidence in me they have shown. I believe it is just as important to have the trust and confidence of Congress in carrying out my prospective responsibilities. In my earlier Executive Branch positions, I have attempted to be fully available to Members and staff in both Houses, on both sides of the aisle, equally for informal consultations or for hearings. I found, in responding to Committee questions for this hearing, that I testified before Congress 25 times during the four years I served as Assistant Secretary for International Organization Affairs. I wouldn't be at all surprised if that pace were exceeded should you confirm me for the Under Secretary position. Especially given the Senate's central and explicit Constitutional role in the treaty-making process, I am committed to developing the closest possible working relationship with you and your staffs. This is something I believe in strongly not simply from a practical political perspective, but also from years of studying and working on separation-of-powers issues. Just last month (February) in Norfolk, the President spoke of today's security environment: "the grave threat from nuclear, biological, and chemical weapons has not gone away with the Cold War. It has evolved into many separate threats, some of them harder to see and harder to answer. And the adversaries seeking these tools of terror are less predictable, more diverse. With advanced technology, we must confront the threats that come on a missile. With shared intelligence and enforcement, we must confront the threats that come in a shipping container or in a suitcase." Accordingly, the President has ordered broad reviews of national security policy including our approach to deterrence, arms reductions, and missile defense. Each is an element of an overall posture designed to meet emerging challenges. I personally consider that sound, verifiable arms control agreements and energetic non-proliferation strategies can and should be critical elements of American foreign policy. Such policies are most efficacious when they receive broad, bipartisan support from Congress after vigorous international advocacy and tenacious negotiation by the Executive Branch. Let me discuss briefly some of the important directions that President Bush and Secretary Powell have already outlined, and that I hope to have the opportunity to implement. President Bush has already made clear his high priority to reduce nuclear weapons in ways consistent with our national security. As a candidate, he said that it "should be possible to reduce the number of American nuclear weapons significantly further than what has been agreed to under START (Strategic Arms Reduction Treaty) II." The President restated this objective in February, when he reemphasized his commitment "commensurate with our ability to keep the peace, to reduce our nuclear arsenal on our own." We would, of course, also urge Russia to reduce its nuclear forces, welcoming such actions as positive steps. On the non-proliferation front, there is much to be done. On the Korean peninsula, the administration fully supports South Korea's efforts to engage the North. Secretary Powell has made clear that with regard to the 1994 Agreed Framework, the U.S. will "abide by its commitments," but at the same time, "we will review some concerns that exist." These include concerns over whether the verification provisions are adequate to the "kinds of verification and monitoring in which we're interested." North Korea, Secretary Powell has already noted, is "a dictatorial regime" that is "essentially led by one person. The whole country looks to this one person for direction." So we need to engage with "clear-eyed realism about the nature of that regime." As the U.S. considers new agreements, for example to curtail North Korea's missile programs, we will also insist on strong verification as a sine qua non for any agreement. As the Secretary said last January, "we also have to make sure that in any deal we might get, it is absolutely verifiable, we can monitor it, and only then can we be assured that it is something that we should take to the Senate or to the American people or to the Congress in general and say, this is a good deal for America." On missile defense, President Bush's position is clear: we will "build effective missile defenses, based on the best available options, at the earliest possible date. Missile defense must be designed to protect all 50 states -- and our friends and allies and deployed forces overseas -- from missile attacks by rogue nations, or accidental launches." As Secretary Powell said, "we see missile defense as part of an overall strategic framework; it stands with our strategic offensive weapons, it stands with our arms control discussions and negotiations, and it stands with our non-proliferation efforts." The administration will engage with our allies to explain why, in the Secretary's words, "deterrence is enhanced if (an adversary) also knows that if he was able to launch a missile at us, we have the capacity of intercepting that missile and knocking it down." And we will engage with China and Russia. As the Secretary has stated, "we will let the Chinese and the Russians know that it is not directed at them but at other nations that we have less confidence in their ability to act in rational ways." Should our missile defense plans and the ABM (Anti-Ballistic Missile) Treaty come into conflict, President Bush has already said that he "will offer Russia the necessary amendments ... so as to make our deployment of effective missile defenses consistent with the treaty." After all, as Secretary Powell has said, "the Treaty needs to be modified or eliminated or changed in some rather fundamental way." We hope to persuade the Russians to move beyond the ABM Treaty, but this will not happen overnight. As Secretary Powell has noted, we still "have a lot of conversations to have with the Russians" over this. If confirmed, I will do my part to try to bring these conversations to a successful outcome. On the CTBT, Secretary Powell has stated, "we will not be asking for the Congress to ratify the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty in this session. We are mindful of the work that was done by President Clinton's Special Advisor General (John) Shalikashvili. We will examine that work closely. But we believe that there are still flaws with the Treaty as it was voted down in 1999. Nonetheless, we will continue to examine the elements of that Treaty as part of our overall strategic review." The Secretary stated further that President Bush "has indicated he has no intention of resuming testing as part of our efforts. We do not see any need for such testing in the foreseeable future." Multilateral diplomacy and managing international organizations play an increasing role in arms control, and several existing problems require attention. For example, the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons (OPCW), is experiencing a series of financial and management difficulties that threaten the very integrity of the Chemical Weapons Convention. If confirmed, I would, as a priority work, closely with Congress and like-minded countries to try to resolve these issues and help the OPCW play its role in helping to ensure a world free of chemical weapons. Russia and China are key to preserving international stability. With Russia, we will discuss our missile defense plans and their proposals for regional defenses, which were noteworthy for recognizing the nature of the threat, and the willingness to work with us on it. So we take that as an encouraging sign, so long as Russia understands that we will not allow others to dictate our agenda. Moreover, we must encourage Russia to get on with reform, including stopping the proliferation of missile and nuclear technology, and ending sales of destabilizing weapons to nations such as Iran. This is critically important. China, of course, poses unique challenges. As the Secretary said so well, "A strategic partner China is not, but neither is China our inevitable and implacable foe." We will engage with China on missile defense. But also critically important, the November 2000 missile non-proliferation arrangement commits China not to assist other countries in developing nuclear-capable missiles in any way, and to put in place comprehensive missile-related export controls. While Chinese performance on exports has improved recently, we nonetheless have reservations about some of their practices. The administration will watch closely to be sure that China is meeting its commitments. On Taiwan, Secretary Powell has stressed: "Let all who doubt, from whatever perspective, be assured of one solid truth: We expect and demand a peaceful settlement, one acceptable to people on both sides of the Taiwan Strait." As he said, "we will provide for the defense needs of Taiwan in accordance with the Taiwan Relations Act." Mr. Chairman, as I said at the outset, it is a great honor to have received the President's nomination for Under Secretary of State, and I am truly grateful for the possibility of once again serving our nation. Thank you for the opportunity to make these brief remarks, and I would now be happy to respond to the Committee's questions. Return to the Washington File