弗雷德里克．道格拉斯
(FREDERICK DOUGLASS)

在全国黑人大会上的发言
Speech at the National Convention of Colored Men

追求和斗争换取的自由比他人施予的自由更爲珍贵。

国内战争以后来纳了三条宪法修正案以保障黑人的各项权利：第十三条修正案废止苦役和强迫劳役，第十四条修正案赋予每个出生在合衆国或归化合衆国的人以公民的身份，并禁止任何州政府未经适当法律程序制定任何剥夺公民的各项权利或他们的生命、自由和财産的法律；第十五条修正案保证公民的选举权。国会于1875年还通过了一项“公民权法案”，该法案禁止在旅馆、公交车辆和剧院等公共场所的种族歧视行爲。许多白人开始相信黑人完全受法律和宪法的保护。1877年国家军队从南方撤出，“重建运动”就此告终。

正当许多白人因爲做了那些可能而且必要的工作而感到心满意足的时候，黑人还继续处于极度贫困和文盲的状况，还继续受到种族歧视。黑人领袖们试图组织发展黑人的政治力量，然而他们的努力却被看成是在制造分裂。

1883年9月24日，大演说家弗雷德里克．道格拉斯在肯塔基州的刘易斯威尔城召开的全国黑人大会上做了演讲，并且就黑人爲什麽要爲自己的权利而斗争的原因做了阐释。仅在三个星期之后。美国最高法院于1883年10月l 5日就推翻了1875年的公民权法案，并互宣称公共场所的种族歧视现象与宪法并不矛盾。失去法律的支持，战后宪法修正案在南方成了一纸空文，而采纳强制推行种族隔离的“歧视黑人法”的意向却昭然若揭。

经常有人明显带着惊讶和厌烦的口气问我们：“这个国家的黑人除了他们已经得到的东西还能要些什麽呢?而且还能给他们些什麽呢?”据说他们过去曾经是奴隶，而现在自由了；他们过去曾经是庶民，而现在成了君主；他们过去曾经被排除在美国所有的宪法之外，如今却被包括在所有的法律之中，而且成了公认的那一部分公民。那麽，他们爲什麽要召开全国黑人大会，因而在他们自己和白人同胞之间划上一道色线呢?我们并不否认这些问题的中肯性和其中的道理，也不退缩回避坦率地答复这些问题可能包括的论点。因爲我们并没有忘记在那些向我们提出这类问题的人们中间不仅有一些对我们根本不予以同情的人，同时也有许多对我们寄予良好祝愿的人，而且不管怎麽说他们也应该得到一个答复。……

如果对我们来说自由只是徒有其名，公民的身份只是一种欺骗，而选举权至今也只是一个无情的嘲弄，我们也还可以因爲这个国家法律的健全、公正和宽厚而感到庆幸。因爲只要一个民族的法律是公正的，不论它当时是否符合他们的需要，这个民族就还有希望。然而，在这个国家使它的实际行动与它的宪法和公正的法律不发生矛盾之前不宜指责这个国家的黑人要求保留这一道色线──因爲这些人如果由于担心突出他们的肤色而对加害于他们的各种欺诈 凌辱逆来顺受，结果只能证明他们甚至简直不配享有理论上的自由，事实上的自由就更不用说了。根据做人的每一个原则，他们都应该以他们自己的名义，代表他们自己召集会议，当衆诉苦，并且在他们的权力许可的情况下针对他们所遭受的欺压凌辱进行逐一有组织的抗议。他不应理睬那些怯懦的建议，而要把旗帜挂到外面的墙上。

要获得自由的人们就得自己参加战斗。我们不相信人们经常对我们说的那句话：黑人是民族家庭中的丑儿，越是不让他们抛头露面，对他们就越有好处。大家知道，追求和斗争换取的自由比他人施予的自由更爲珍贵。要相信这句话：人们不太关心那些不关心自己的人。……

如果这个国家的六百万黑人，以合衆国的宪法爲武器，用他们自己的一百万张选票，再加上几百万关心人权呼声的白人的支持，还没有足够的勇气和智能组织联合起来保护自己不受欺凌、歧视和压迫的话，那麽指望民主党或其它的哪一个政党来把他们组织联合起来或让它来关心他们的状况也是不会有什麽用处的。人类可能联合起来保护动物不受到伤害，因爲它们不会开口讲话，也不能爲它们自己的利益说些什么；但我们是人，而且必须爲我们自己的利益说话，否则就根本无人替我们讲话。美国有许多爱尔兰会议，但要是爱尔兰人不曾爲他们自己说话，美国就不会有这样的会议。是因爲爱尔兰人发出呼声并且把他们的事摆在人们的眼前，别人这才会去帮助他们。当年也是因爲华盛顿的兵力才使得拉法埃脱把兵力投入美国的独立战争。总之在反对种族歧视的问题上，应该说我们是在这里公开集会，我们的身边没有任何威胁。全国人民的眼睛都在看着我们。可能有一万份报将选择报道我们这会儿所说的和所做的一切。它们可能完全按照我们将表现出的明智或愚妄而赞扬或谴责我们。

我们老老实实地把自己摆在他们面前，并请他们对我们所做的事加以评判。

在我们提请你们认真注意的许多问题中有一个并非最爲次要的问题，即南方劳动阶级的状况问题。他们的事业就是全世界劳动阶级的事业。全国各地的工会都不应该抛弃这一部分有色的力量。……

劳动在各地所欠缺的、劳动所必需享有的以及劳动将来所索取和获得的，就是每天辛辛苦苦的劳动所换取的这一整天辛勤劳动的报酬。随着劳动者本身智力的增加，他们将提高资本的原有价值──这就是爲保护自己而组织联合起来的力量所在。从经验中可以看出，将来也许会有一种奴隶工资。其滋味不比当奴隶受 凌辱好受多少，而这些领工资的奴隶也得和其它的奴隶一样被征服。……

通过发放代金券的形式或发工资来欺骗南方劳动者的手法可谓最高明。它的特点是表面上公平合理，而实际上却使劳动者得完全听凭地主和店老板的摆布。劳动者就像被夹在上下两块磨石之间，最终被碾成粉末。这一手段使劳动者只能到一家商店购物，因此他除了剩下自己本来就不多的是非感以外就毫无公平买卖的动机可言。由于这些代金券仅仅是一些一钱不值的中介物，劳动者总觉得无论吃亏多少总得把它们花光。这样就使得他们开始铺张起来，其结果又使他们变得一贫如洗。

店老板们用最次的商品要最高的价来打发这些劳动者，而且可以对他们说就买这些东西，否则什麽也别想买到。更糟糕的是，这种做法使劳动者背上了债，因而总是受地主的摆布。如果地主不这样做，而是把土地租给自由民耕种，每公顷土地一年所索取的租金就要高出出售这块土地的价钱。遇到这种欺诈无理的做法，人们不免感到怒不可遏──大发起脾气来。据说黑人要是对这种获取他们劳动的条件感到不满，可以让他们到别处去于活。这是压迫者想出的一个最没良心的建议。多年来，黑人所支取的劳动报酬仅是一些在指定商店以外毫无价值的代金券。除此以外他们身无分文，而且由于这种狡诈的手段，他们被束缚在地主的手中。所以，如果黑人听说可以到别处去而真要走，这些地主就可以逮捕他，而且他们以往总是这麽做的。……

在一个像我们这样的一个由人民执政的国家里，各阶层青年的教育对国家的幸福、财富和它的生存都是极爲重要的，这是得到普遍承认的事实。

根据这一前提，当爱国的人们见到1880年统计数字所显示的令人吃惊的普遍文盲现象时无一不感到震惊。

如何克服这一弊端的问题是一个严肃的问题。当然，指望有钱人的善举和社会的义行是不够的。普遍存在文盲现象的那些州无法而且也不愿意爲他们的年轻人提供足够的教育手段。然而，无论这种现像有多麽严重，全国人民总是直接关心生活在这块土地上的每一个孩子的教育。任何一部分美国人的无知都会引起其它美国人的极大关注。所以毫无疑问，人们有权通过那些强迫孩子们上学的法律。……

国家政府有巨大的财力，能够将健全之公立小学教育的福利送到全国每户穷人的家里。如果不给人们这一福利就是等于对永保江山社稷的最主要的保证置而不顾。做爲美国人民中的一部分。我们必须十分重视团结那些已经谈到这个问题的人们，必须和他们一起共同敦促国会在下一次会议上爲扶助教育的重大国策打下基础。……

就公民权方面对黑人所犯下的罪行是臭名昭著的，而通过三K党的恐怖活动、密西西比规划、诡诈计票法、薄纸投票等手段对我们的各种政治权利所犯下的罪行就更是恶贯满盈、骇人听闻、令人反感至极。在黑人居多的那三个州里没有黑人代表，他们的政治呼声遭到压制。实际上，这三个州的黑人公民被剥夺了公民权，宪法遭到蔑视，宪法条文不能生效。这一切部是发生在共和党以及历届共和党政府的眼皮底下。

伟大的奥康内尔曾经说过爱尔兰的历史可以像在人群中通过血迹追寻一个伤员那样追溯到过去。南方黑人的历史也完全可以说是一样的情况。

他们在闪光的刀枪面前冒着生命的危险冲向投票箱。他们曾经被政府所摒弃而只好自长自灭。对他们来说根本就不存在美国的政府和宪法。

他们正在受到一个不顾天理、法律和宪法的，邪恶、残暴和该死的阴谋集团的镇压。在这些不堪入目的情况面前，你怎么能够漠然处之?有哪些黑人领袖还能让自己保持沉默?

这不是党派的问题，这是法律和政府的问题。这是一个关系到人类应该受到法律的保护还是在无政府的腥风血浪中任入宰割的问题，是关系到由政府还是由乌合之衆治理这个国家的问题，是关系到宪法中庄严之下的诺言应该理直气壮地付诸实践还是卑鄙声名狼藉地被撕毁的问题。在这个关键的问题上，我们要求每一个美国人都来注意监督我们的任何一种政治权力都不能爲任何一个在选举之前没有答应行使政府、州和国家赋予他们的一切权力以保证黑人通往投票箱的道路与其它美国人的道路一样平坦、笔直、安全的任何党派的人服务。……

没有任何一个阶层或任何一种肤色的人应当成爲这个国家里排他的统治者，这是不言而喻的问题。如果存在这样一种统治阶级，那么就当然存在被奴役阶层，而且一旦出现这种情况，那么这个民有、民治、民享的政府就要从地球上消失。

With apparent surprise, astonishment and impatience we have been asked: "What more can the colored people of this country want than they now have, and what more is possible to them?" It is said they were once slaves, they are now free; they were once subjects, they are now sovereigns; they were once outside of all American institutions, they are now inside of all and are a recognized part of the whole American people. Why, then, do they hold Colored National Conventions and thus insist upon keeping up the color line between themselves and their white fellow countrymen? We do not deny the pertinence and plausibility of these questions, nor do we shrink from a candid answer to the argument which they are supposed to contain. For we do not forget that they are not only put to us by those who have no sympathy with us, but by many who wish us well, and that in any case they deserve an answer. . . .

    If liberty, with us, is yet but a name, our citizenship is but a sham, and our suffrage thus far only a cruel mockery, we may yet congratulate ourselves upon the fact, that the laws and institutions of the country are sound, just and liberal. There is hope for a people when their laws are righteous, whether for the moment they conform to their requirements or not. But until this nation shall make its practice accord with its Constitution and its righteous laws, it will not do to reproach the colored people of this country with keeping up the color line－for that people would prove themselves scarcely worthy of even theoretical freedom, to say nothing of practical freedom, if they settled down in silent, servile and cowardly submission to their wrongs, from fear of making their color visible. They are bound by every element of manhood to hold conventions, in their own name, and on their own behalf, to keep their grievances before the people and make every organized protest against the wrongs inflicted upon them within their power. They should scorn the counsels of cowards, and hang their banner on the outer wall.

    Who would be free, themselves must strike the blow. We do not believe, as we are often told, that the Negro is the ugly child of the National family, and the more he is kept out of sight the better it will be for him. You know that liberty given is never so precious as liberty sought for and fought for. The man outraged is the man to make the outcry. Depend upon it, men will not care much for people who do not care for themselves. . . .

    If the six millions of colored people of this country, armed with the Constitution of the United States, with a million votes of their own to lean upon, and millions of white men at their back, whose hearts are responsive to the claims of humanity, have not sufficient spirit and wisdom to organize and combine to defend themselves from outrage, discrimination and oppression, it will be idle for them to expect that the Republican party or any other political party will organize and combine for them or care what becomes of them. Men may combine to prevent cruelty to animals, for they are dumb and cannot speak for themselves; but we are men and must speak for ourselves, or we shall not be spoken for at all. We have conventions in America for Ireland, but we should have none if Ireland did not speak for herself. It is because she makes a noise and keeps her cause before the people that other people go to her help. It was the sword of Washington that gave Independence the sword of Lafayette. In conclusion upon this color objection, we have to say that we meet here in open daylight. There is nothing sinister about us. The eyes of the nation are upon us. Ten thousand newspapers may tell if they choose of whatever is said and done here. They may commend our wisdom or condemn our folly, precisely as we shall be wise or foolish.

    We put ourselves before them as honest men, and ask their judgment upon our work.

     Not the least important among the subjects to which we invite your earnest attention is the condition of the laboring class at the South. Their cause is one with the laboring classes all over the world. The labor unions of the country should not throw away this colored element of strength....

     What labor everywhere wants, what it ought to have and will some day demand and receive, is an honest day's pay for an honest day's work. As the laborer becomes more intelligent he will develop what capital already possess－that is the power to organize and combine for its own protection. Experience demonstrates that there may be a wages of slavery only a little less galling and crushing in its effects than chattel slavery, and that this slavery of wages must go down with the other. . . .

    No more crafty and effective device for defrauding the Southern laborer could be adopted than the one that substitutes orders upon shopkeepers for currency in payment of wages. It has the merit of a show of honesty, while it puts the laborer completely at the mercy of the landowner and the shop-keeper. He is between the upper and the nether millstones and is hence ground to dust. It gives the shop-keeper a customer who can trade with no other storekeeper, and thus leaves the latter no motive for fair dealing except his own moral sense, which is never too strong. While the laborer holding the orders is tempted by their worthlessness as a circulating medium, to get rid of them at any sacrifice, and hence is led into extravagance and consequent destitution.

    The merchant puts him off with his poorest commodities at highest prices, and can say to him take those or nothing. Worse still. By this means the laborer is brought into debt, and hence is kept always in the power of the landowner. When this system is not pursued and land is rented to the freedman, he is charged more for the use of an acre of land for a single year than the land would bring in the market if offered for sale. On such a system of fraud and wrong one might well invoke a bolt from heaven－red with uncommon wrath.

     It is said if the colored people do not like the conditions upon which their labor is demanded and secured, let them leave and go elsewhere. A more heartless suggestion never emanated from an oppressor. Having for years paid them in shop orders, utterly worthless outside the shop to which they are directed, without a dollar in their pockets, brought by this crafty process into bondage to the land-owners, who can and would arrest them if they should attempt to leave them when they are told to go....

    It is everywhere an accepted truth, that in a country governed by the people, like ours, education of the youth of all classes is vital to its welfare, prosperity, and to its existence.

    In the light of this unquestioned proposition, the patriot cannot but view with a shudder the widespread and truly alarming illiteracy as revealed by the census of 1880.

    The question as to how this evil is to be remedied is an important one. Certain it is that it will not do to trust to the philanthropy of wealthy individuals or benevolent societies to remove it. The States in which this illiteracy prevails either cannot or will not provide adequate systems of education for their own youth. But however this may be, the fact remains that the whole country is directly interested in the education of every child that lives within its borders. The ignorance of any part of the American people so deeply concerns all the rest that there can be no doubt of the right to pass laws compelling the attendance of every child at school....

    The National Government, with its immense resources, can carry the benefits of a sound common-school education to the door of every poor man from Maine to Texas, and to withhold this boon is to neglect the greatest assurance it has of its own perpetuity. As a part of the American people we unite most emphatically with others who have already spoken on this subject, in urging Congress to lay the foundation for a great national system of aid to education at its next session. . . .

    Flagrant as have been the outrages committed upon colored citizens in respect to their civil rights, more flagrant, shocking and scandalous still have been the outrages committed upon our political rights, by means of bull-dozing and Kukiuxing, Mississippi plans, fraudulent counts, tissue ballots and the like devices. Three States in which the colored people outnumber the white population are without colored representation and their political voice suppressed. The colored citizens in those States are virtually disfranchised, the Constitution held in utter contempt and its provisions nullified. This has been done in the face of the Republican party and successive Republican Administrations.

    It was once said by the great O'Connell that the history of Ireland might be traced like a wounded man through a crowd by the blood, and the same may be truly said of the history of the colored voters of the South.

    They have marched to the ballot-box in face of gleaming weapons, wounds and death. They have been abandoned by the Government and left to the laws of nature. So far as they are concerned, there is no Government or Constitution of the United States.

    They are under control of a foul, haggard and damning conspiracy against reason, law and constitution. How you can be indifferent, how any leading colored men can allow themselves to be silent in presence of this state of things we cannot see. . . .

   This is no question of party. It is a question of law and government. It is a question whether men shall be protected by law or be left to the mercy of cyclones of anarchy and bloodshed. It is whether the Government or the mob shall rule this land; whether the promises solemnly made to us in the Constitution be manfully kept or meanly and flagrantly broken. Upon this vital point we ask the whole people of the United States to take notice that whatever of political power we have shall be exerted for no man of any party who will not in advance of election promise to use every power given him by the Government, State or National, to make the black man's path to the ballot-box as straight, smooth and safe as that of any other American citizen....

    We hold it to be self-evident that no class or color should be the exclusive rulers of this country. If there is such a ruling class, there must of course be a subject class, and when this condition is once established this Government of the people, by the people and for the people,－will have perished from the earth.